England under the Angevin Kings, Volume IINorgate, Kate
History
England under the Angevin Kings, Volume II
Norgate, Kate
Anjou, House of; England -- Civilization -- 1066-1485; Great Britain -- History -- Angevin period, 1154-1216
The usual view of the council of Woodstock--a view founded on
contemporary accounts and endorsed by Bishop Stubbs (_Constit. Hist._,
vol. i. p. 462)--has been disputed on the authority of the Icelandic
_Thomas Saga_. This Saga represents the subject of the quarrel as
being, not a general levy of so much per hide throughout the country,
but a special tax upon the Church lands--nothing else, in fact, than
the “ungeld” which William Rufus had imposed on them to raise the money
paid to Duke Robert for his temporary cession of Normandy, and which
had been continued ever since. “We have read afore how King William
levied a due on all churches in the land, in order to repay him all
the costs at which his brother Robert did depart from the land. This
money the king said he had disbursed for the freedom of Jewry, and
therefore it behoved well the learned folk to repay it to their king.
But because the king’s court hath a mouth that holdeth fast, this due
continued from year to year. At first it was called Jerusalem tax, but
afterwards Warfare-due, for the king to keep up an army for the common
peace of the country. But at this time matters have gone so far, that
this due was exacted, as a king’s tax, from every house” [“monastery,”
editor’s note], “small and great, throughout England, under no other
name than an ancient tax payable into the royal treasury without any
reason being shown for it.” _Thomas Saga_ (Magnusson), vol. i. p. 139.
Mr. Magnusson (_ib._ p. 138, note 7) thinks that this account “must
be taken as representing the true history of” the tax in question. In
his Preface (_ib._ vol. ii. pp. cvii–cviii) he argues that if the tax
had been one upon the tax-payers in general, “evidently the primate
had no right to interfere in such a matter, except so far as church
lands were concerned;” and he concludes that the version in the Saga
“gives a natural clue to the archbishop’s protest, which thus becomes
a protest only on behalf of the Church.” This argument hardly takes
sufficient account of the English primate’s constitutional position,
which furnishes a perfectly “natural clue” to his protest, supposing
that protest to have been made on behalf of the whole nation and not
only of the Church:--or rather, to speak more accurately, in behalf of
the Church in the true sense of that word--the sense which Theobald’s
disciples were always striving to give to it--as representing the
whole nation viewed in a spiritual aspect, and not only the clerical
order. Mr. Magnusson adds: “We have no doubt that the source of
the Icelandic Saga here is Robert of Cricklade, or ... Benedict of
Peterborough, who has had a better information on the subject than
the other authorities, which, it would seem, all have Garnier for a
primary source; but he, a foreigner, might very well be supposed to
have formed an erroneous view on a subject the history of which he did
not know, except by hearsay evidence” (_ib._ pp. cviii, cix). It might
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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