It was the universal conviction of European Christendom, during
many centuries, that the Church, which was popularly supposed to be
represented by the Pope, enjoyed peculiarly a divine guidance which
made it an infallible judge of truth. This idea was thought to be
warranted by the unanimous assent of all right-minded persons, and the
denial of it to be the mark of a reprobate spirit, as well as contrary
to common sense. We now know the entire futility of this assumption,
and that the heretics were not inferior to the orthodox in the power
of judging such subjects. Hence in discussing the unanimity principle
the question presents itself, How came the public thus wrongly to
apply it? What error did they commit in so doing? When the revival
of learning and the consequent rise of Protestantism had exposed
the error in that form of it, it was still continued under the new
social regimes; so that even Locke, the boldest advocate of the
rights of man that was tolerated even in his time, stigmatised the
dissentients from certain Protestant tenets in the same unjust way
that Popery had done to the dissentients from certain Popish ones;
speaking of them in two or three places of his essay as persons at
once notoriously disreputable in character and weak in intellect;
consistently with which estimate he came to the conclusion that the
reigning theology was established truth, as being accredited by all
those whose opinion was worth taking account of.
Later times have again manifested the futility of the assumption
against the new race of dissentients. No one will say that Goethe
and Neibuhr (to mention only two) must count for nothing on questions
wherein they were as likely to be well informed as their opponents. So
that Locke's side, instead of being warranted by the decisive verdict
he imagines, is but one of two suitors in an undetermined cause,
neither having yet attracted the votes of the whole jury, and neither
consequently yet occupying the position of ascertained truth. Giving
everyone a fair hearing is that trial and test of competency which
yields the only means of learning who said competent judges are.
A little consideration, even in Locke's time of less advanced thought,
might have informed an intelligent mind, if free from prejudice,
that mere prohibitory laws must be of themselves less adverse to the
free expression of people's sentiments than that averted state of the
public mind of which they are one of the symptoms. Both from theory and
experience we may collect that very much the same laws of supply and
demand obtain in matters of opinion as in those of food and raiment;
the tongue and the pen, and the previous thought by which these are
instructed, must evidently hold back from offering to the public,
nay, in a great measure from suggesting to the agent himself, any such
ideas as they know the public will not, and must confine themselves to
putting forth such only as they suppose it will understand, appreciate,
and regard.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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