Essays: Scientific, Political, & Speculative; Vol. 3 of 3: Library Edition (1891), Containing Seven Essays not before Republished, and Various other Additions.Spencer, Herbert
Philosophy
Essays: Scientific, Political, & Speculative; Vol. 3 of 3: Library Edition (1891), Containing Seven Essays not before Republished, and Various other Additions.
Spencer, Herbert
Philosophy; Political science; Science
Thus, then, may be recognized the meaning of those eccentricities of
reformers which we set out by describing. They are not accidental;
they are not mere personal caprices. They are inevitable results of
the law of relationship above illustrated. That community of genesis,
function, {31} and decay which all forms of restraint exhibit, is
simply the obverse of the fact at first pointed out, that they have
in two sentiments of human nature a common preserver and a common
destroyer. Awe of power originates and cherishes them all; love of
freedom undermines and weakens them all. The one defends despotism
and asserts the supremacy of laws, adheres to old creeds and supports
ecclesiastical authority, pays respect to titles and conserves forms;
the other, putting rectitude above legality, achieves periodical
instalments of political liberty, inaugurates Protestantism and works
out its consequences, ignores the senseless dictates of Fashion and
emancipates men from dead customs. To the true reformer no institution
is sacred, no belief above criticism. Everything shall conform itself
to equity and reason; nothing shall be saved by its prestige. Conceding
to each man liberty to pursue his own ends and satisfy his own tastes,
he demands for himself like liberty; and consents to no restrictions
on this, save those which other men’s equal claims involve. No matter
whether it be an ordinance of one man, or an ordinance of all men, if
it trenches on his legitimate sphere of action, he denies its validity.
The tyranny that would impose on him a particular style of dress and
a set mode of behaviour, he resists equally with the tyranny that
would limit his buyings and sellings, or dictate his creed. Whether
the regulation be formally made by a legislature, or informally
made by society at large—whether the penalty for disobedience be
imprisonment, or frowns and social ostracism, he sees to be a question
of no moment. He will utter his belief notwithstanding the threatened
punishment; he will break conventions spite of the petty persecutions
that will be visited on him. Show him that his actions are inimical
to his fellow-men, and he will pause. Prove that he is disregarding
their legitimate claims, and he will alter his course. But until you
do this—until you demonstrate that his proceedings are essentially
inconvenient or {32} inelegant, essentially irrational, unjust, or
ungenerous, he will persevere.
Some, indeed, argue that his conduct _is_ unjust and ungenerous. They
say that he has no right to annoy other people by his whims; that the
gentleman to whom his letter comes with no “Esq.” appended to the
address, and the lady whose evening party he enters with gloveless
hands, are vexed at what they consider his want of respect or want of
breeding; that thus his eccentricities cannot be indulged save at the
expense of his neighbours’ feelings; and that hence his nonconformity
is in plain terms selfishness.
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