The General Election in April, 1923, however, indicated that the
danger of internal disruption has not yet passed, and that some form
of federalism will have to be worked out if Jugoslavia is to hope to
become a country with representative institutions. The new Chamber
contains thirteen parties, several of which are divided by personal
antagonism among their leaders. The Radicals, who represent national
Serbian traditions and whose policy is centralization held ninety-two
seats out of 417 in 1920, and in the recent election secured 109 seats
in the reduced Chamber of 313. They are the largest single party, but
even if the Serbian Democrats united with them they would still be in
a minority. The Democrats are divided among themselves on the issue
of centralization versus federation. Neither Radicals nor Democrats
obtained a single seat in Croatia or Slovenia. The most remarkable gain
was that of Raditch’s Croatian peasant party. In 1920 Raditch had fifty
seats out of 417; in 1923 he has seventy out of 313. The twenty-two
Slovene Clericals and the two Montenegrins are also Federalists. The
disappearance of the Communists and Republicans and the remarkable
shrinking of Agrarians indicate that social and economic questions
are, for the time being, subordinated to that of the question whether
the country can be molded into a homogeneous whole or whether there
shall be three autonomous states united in a triune kingdom. The issue
is squarely before the country; for when the Chamber assembled Premier
Pashitch discovered that by no combination could he secure a working
majority over the Croatian, Slovenian, and other Federalists.
The situation is by no means desperate. Much that one sees now to
condemn will disappear with a little more experience and the mellowing
influence of time. It took the United States six years for the thirteen
original units to agree upon a _modus vivendi_, and from 1789 to 1865
to work out the problem of national unity. In sizing up the Kingdom
of the Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes, we must distinguish between
inherent weaknesses and those that are the result of lack of time or
experience. Most of the difficulties in administration and politics
arise from newness of the association and the inability to find trained
men for governmental posts. Local antagonisms must be overcome, and
conflicting local interests reconciled. As soon as railways and ports
are constructed and the first shock of marriage overcome, there is no
reason to believe that these peoples, occupying rich territories and
bound together by the ties of blood and language, cannot bridge the
cultural gulf that separates them and work out together a better future
than they enjoyed separately in the past. But there can be no question
of assimilation of one element by the other; there must be amalgamation.
The external dangers and difficulties are of another order and will not
easily be overcome unless the Jugoslavic peoples are allowed to work
out their own destiny.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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