At the beginning of May the French Government announced that two thirds
of the expenses of the Ruhr occupation had already been recovered from
coal and coke shipped out and taxes levied, and that it would not be
long before the occupation “made expenses.” This news was sent out from
Paris with an air of great satisfaction; but French newspapers revealed
the fallacy of the Government’s statement. Making expenses was not the
first objective of the Ruhr occupation, and in the announcements of
policy and the many notes of the winter and spring of 1923, had not
the French and Belgian Governments declared that the Ruhr occupation
would bring in reparations? If one drew up a balance sheet it would be
necessary to put on the debit side the complete cessation of deliveries
in kind since the second week of January and the resultant loss to
the two Governments. This was the only logical way of computing the
cost of the occupation. Not until France and Belgium could meet all
their military expenses out of the Ruhr, force the resumption of the
1922 rate of payments and deliveries in kind, and then see coming in a
surplus over that amount could the Ruhr occupation be fairly asserted
to be profitable.
In judging the Franco-Belgian policy, other considerations than that
of financial return demand attention. Has the occupation of the Ruhr
lessened Germany’s capacity to pay reparations? That is the business
consideration. Has the Franco-Belgian policy weakened the political
situation of France and Belgium in post-bellum Europe? That is the
political consideration. Has the reign of martial law hurt France’s
prestige as a chivalrous nation, scrupulous in her treatment of the
civilian population at her mercy, and rigorous in her observance of
international law and the elementary principles of justice? That is
the moral consideration. The observer of European financial markets
and international political currents, and the reader of the most
influential journals of all European countries, must give a reluctant
affirmative answer to all three of these questions.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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