The intellectual movements of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries
prepared the way for a new conception, but it did not emerge
immediately. The historians of the Renaissance period simply reverted
to the ancient pragmatical view. For Machiavelli, exactly as for
Thucydides and Polybius, the use of studying history was instruction
in the art of politics. The Renaissance itself was the appearance of a
new culture, different from anything that had gone before; but at the
time men were not conscious of this; they saw clearly that the
traditions of classical antiquity had been lost for a long period, and
they were seeking to revive them, but otherwise they did not perceive
that the world had moved, and that their own spirit, culture, and
conditions were entirely unlike those of the thirteenth century. It
was hardly till the seventeenth century that the presence of a new
age, as different from the middle ages as from the ages of Greece and
Rome, was fully realised. It was then that the triple division of
ancient, medieval, and modern was first applied to the history of
western civilisation. Whatever objections may be urged against this
division, which has now become almost a category of thought, it marks
a most significant advance in man's view of his own past. He has
become conscious of the immense changes in civilisation which have
come about slowly in the course of time, and history confronts him
with a new aspect. He has to explain how those changes have been
produced, how the transformations were effected. The appearance of
this problem was almost simultaneous with the rise of rationalism, and
the great historians and thinkers of the eighteenth century, such as
Montesquieu, Voltaire, Gibbon, attempted to explain the movement of
civilisation by purely natural causes. These brilliant writers
prepared the way for the genetic history of the following century. But
in the spirit of the _Aufklärung_, that eighteenth-century
Enlightenment to which they belonged, they were concerned to judge all
phenomena before the tribunal of reason; and the apotheosis of
"reason" tended to foster a certain superior _a priori_ attitude,
which was not favourable to objective treatment and was incompatible
with a "historical sense." Moreover the traditions of pragmatical
historiography had by no means disappeared.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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