Feudal England: Historical Studies on the Eleventh and Twelfth CenturiesRound, John Horace
History
Feudal England: Historical Studies on the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries
Round, John Horace
Domesday book; Feudalism -- Great Britain; Great Britain -- History -- Norman period, 1066-1154; Normans -- Great Britain
Now this distinction between 'thegnland' and 'sokeland' will be found
to fit in exactly with the difference in tenure we have examined
above. Here is an instance from the 'breve abbatis' in the record of
Guy de Raimbercurt's aggressions:
In melreda ii. hidas et dim. virg.
In meldeburne ii. hidas et dim.[47] et dim. virg.
Hoc est iiii. hidas et iii. virg. Ex his sunt i. virg. et dim.
_thainlande_ et iiii. hidas et dim.[48] _de soca_.
On reference to the two Manors in question, there is, at first sight,
nothing in the I.C.C., the I.E., or Domesday to distinguish the
'thegnland' from the 'sokeland'. Of the first holding we read that it
had been held T.R.E. by 10 _sochemanni_ 'de soca S. Edelride'; of the
second, that it was held by 'viii. _sochemanni_ ... homines abbatis
de Ely'. But closer examination of the I.C.C. reveals, in the former
case, this distinction:
De his ii. hidis et dimidia virga tenuit i. istorum _unam
virgam et dimidiam_. Non potuit dare nec vendere absque
licentia abbatis. Sed alii novem potuerunt recedere et vendere
cui voluerunt.[49]
Here then we identify the virgate and a half of 'theinland'--though
held by a _sochemannus_--and this same distinction of tenure proves
to be the key throughout. Thus, for instance, in the same document
'Herchenger pistor' is recorded to have seized 'in Hardwic i. hidam
_thainlande_ et dim. hidam et vi. acras _de soca_' (p. 177). Reference
to the I.C.C., D.B., and the I.E. reveals that the former holding had
belonged to 'v. sochemanni homines abbatis de ely', and that 'isti
non potuerunt dare neque vendere alicui extra ecclesiam S. Edeldride
ely'.[50] But the latter holding had belonged to a _sochemannus_, of
whom it is said--'homo abbatis de ely fuit: potuit recedere, sed socam
ejus abbas habuit'.[51]
This enables us to understand the distinctions found in the summaries
appended to the Cambridgeshire portion of the I.E., and recorded in
the _Breve Abbatis_. Indeed they confirm the above distinction, for
the formula they apply to holders 'de soca abbatie ely' is: 'Illi qui
hanc terram tenuerunt de soca T.R.E. vendere potuerunt, sed saca et
soca et commendatio et servitium semper remanebat ecclesia de ely.'
These terms are valuable for their definition of rights. Over
the holder of land 'de soco' the lord had (1) 'saca et soca', (2)
'commendatio et (3) servitium'. If the land was thegnland then the
Abbot received 'omnem consuetudinem' as well.[52] We will first
deal with the latter class, those from whom the Abbot received
'consuetudo', and then those who held 'de soca'.
For contemporary (indeed, slightly earlier) evidence, we must turn
to the Ely _placitum_ of 1072-75.[53] The special value which this
_placitum_ possesses is found in its record of the services due from
_sochemanni_, and even from freemen. It thus helps to interpret the
bald figures of Domesday, to which it is actually anterior. The first
two instances it affords are these:
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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