Flint's Letters from America, 1818-1820Flint, James, active 19th century
History
Flint's Letters from America, 1818-1820
Flint, James, active 19th century
Ohio River Valley -- Description and travel; United States -- Description and travel
would injure internal trade; it would occasion an additional expense
in supporting a separate government, and it would deprive them of the
protection of the United States’ Navy. It will scarcely be alleged,
that the Eastern States have an interest in dissolving the compact
with the Western; as by that step they would not only forego a rapid
accumulation of strength, but would incur the danger of converting
fellow citizens into the most powerful enemies. They would lose that
important branch of revenue, which arises from the sale of public
lands, and they would no longer participate in the fur trade.
To infer the instability of the American republic from the frequency
of revolutions in Europe, is altogether preposterous. A different
state of society, and the difference of the political institutions to
be compared, remove that parity of condition essential to analogical
deduction. The executive power in America, does not extend to declaring
war at pleasure; nor to dissolving the legislature. The president,
whose term of service is only four years, has not the means nor the
motives for family aggrandizement which prevail under hereditary
succession. The members of the House of Representatives have their
seats from the universal suffrage of the people; and the senators get
their dignity and seats from the representatives in State Assemblies,
who are themselves popularly elected, and who cannot promote obnoxious
men without incurring public odium and future exclusion. The
representation is equally distributed. Placemen and pensioners {186}
are effectually debarred from being members of either house; under
these conditions the few have it not in their power to dictate to the
many. Ambitious projects, such as disfigure the histories of other
countries, are precluded. Accessions of territory are not obtained
by conquest, but by purchase. The object sought in these treaties is
the right of soil; and not the power of taxing or enslaving men. No
yoke is imposed but that upon the labouring steer. The domestic policy
of the United States exhibits twenty-four republics, each having its
own constitution, without any other restriction than conformity
to that of the nation. In regard of foreign relations and general
interests, all the States are cemented into one nation. If one or
more States are invaded, the citizens have a right to the protection
of the Union; and in the case of controversies or disputes between
States, the judicial power provided under the general constitution
is the umpire between them. Had the individual members of the United
States placed a hereditary sovereign at the head of each, and put the
reins of government in the hands of a few, we might have heard, before
this time, of American courtiers making treaties to last forever; and
violating them so soon as the strong found it convenient to attack the
weak; of wars furnishing pretexts for raising vast sums to support the
views of a party or a faction, perhaps for depriving the people of
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