Flint's Letters from America, 1818-1820 — John Shaqi
Flint's Letters from America, 1818-1820Flint, James, active 19th century
History
Flint's Letters from America, 1818-1820
Flint, James, active 19th century
Ohio River Valley -- Description and travel; United States -- Description and travel
Flint was particularly interested in the Middle West. Therefore, after
a brief sojourn in New York and Philadelphia, where he commented
judiciously on all that made for the higher life of these two young
cities, he followed the great Western thoroughfare which crossed
Pennsylvania to Pittsburg, then the gateway of trans-Allegheny America.
Here he purchased a skiff and floated down the Ohio, occasionally
landing to make visits and observations; from Portsmouth he proceeded
on a circuit through Ohio and Kentucky, settling at length at the falls
of Ohio, in the Indiana town of Jeffersonville.
A resident at this place for several months, his investigation
of Western conditions assumed a new phase. No longer the passing
traveller, noting the novelties and peculiarities of the people, Flint
began a systematic observation of American institutions in general,
and particularly the political, social, and economic life of the
Middle West. In his succinct but comprehensive study of the national
constitution and local state governments, he anticipates De Tocqueville
and Bryce. His comments upon the judicial system show an appreciation
of the stern necessities of primitive justice, coupled with the
law-abiding spirit characteristic of the Anglo-Saxon race. His notes
upon the power of public opinion as a restraining force in political
life, and upon the universal veneration for the constitution, show that
he discovered the fundamental principles underlying American political
life. His comprehension of the historical development of the West is
remarkable for keen insight and prophetic vision. He realized what
the acquisition of Louisiana had meant in dispelling the dangers of a
Western secession from the republic; and showed that the true interests
of the West allied her with Eastern markets.
Looming large on the horizon, Flint discerned the second factor which
was to rend American life. The discussion of the Missouri Compromise
had scarce begun, but already he saw that the nation could not always
exist half-slave and half-free. He saw also that the long border line
forming a kind of moral boundary, was the crucial difficulty, and that
the acute stage in the controversy would be reached over the question
of fugitive slaves. To the present generation these seem self-evident
truths; but few Americans and fewer foreigners had the keenness to
perceive this before 1820. Flint, however, unlike many Englishmen of
his day, was no radical condemner of slavery; he appreciated its
patriarchal features and its real benefits for the negroes. He also saw
that the masters suffered more deterioration by the system than the
slaves; that the responsibility for the system rested not upon present,
but historic conditions; and that wholesale denunciation was not only
unjust, but useless.
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