Following the color line : $b An account of Negro citizenship in the American democracy
History
Following the color line : $b An account of Negro citizenship in the American democracy
African Americans; United States -- Race relations
No other element of our population presents a similar condition; the
Italians, the Jews, the Germans and especially the Chinese and Japanese
are held together not only by a different language, but by ingrained and
ancient national habits. They group themselves naturally. But the Negro is
an American in language and customs; he knows no other traditions and he
has no other conscious history; a large proportion, indeed, possess
varying degrees of white American blood (restless blood!) and yet the
Negro is not accepted as an American. Instead of losing himself gradually
in the dominant race, as the Germans, Irish, and Italians are doing,
adding those traits or qualities with which Time fashions and modifies
this human mosaic called the American nation, the Negro is set apart as a
peculiar people.
With every Negro, then, an essential question is: "How shall I meet this
attempt to put me off by myself?"
That question in one form or another--politically, industrially,
socially--is being met daily, almost hourly, by every Negro in this
country. It colours his very life.
"You don't know, and you can't know," a Negro said to me, "what it is to
be a problem, to understand that everyone is watching you and studying
you, to have your mind constantly on your own actions. It has made us
think and talk about ourselves more than other people do. It has made us
self-conscious and sensitive."
It is scarcely surprising, then, that upon such a vital question there
should be wide differences of opinion among Negroes. As a matter of fact,
there are almost innumerable points of view and suggested modes of
conduct, but they all group themselves into two great parties which are
growing more distinct in outline and purpose every day. Both parties exist
in every part of the country, but it is in the North that the struggle
between them is most evident. I have found a sharper feeling and a
bitterer discussion of race relationships among the Negroes of the North
than among those of the South. If you want to hear the race question
discussed with fire and fervour, go to Boston!
For two hundred and fifty years the Negro had no thought, no leadership,
no parties; then suddenly he was set free, and became, so far as law could
make him, an integral and indistinguishable part of the American people.
But it was only in a few places in the North and among comparatively few
individuals that he ever approximately reached the position of a free
citizen, that he ever really enjoyed the rights granted to him under the
law. In the South he was never free politically, socially, and
industrially, in the sense that the white man is free, and is not so
to-day.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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