Following the color line : $b An account of Negro citizenship in the American democracy — John Shaqi
Following the color line : $b An account of Negro citizenship in the American democracy
History
Following the color line : $b An account of Negro citizenship in the American democracy
African Americans; United States -- Race relations
After the excitement of the riot and the evil results which followed it
began to disappear it was natural that the reconstruction movements should
quiet down. Ex-Governor Northen continued his work for many months and is
indeed, still continuing it: and there is no doubt that his campaigns have
had a wide influence. The feeling that the saloons and dives of Atlanta
were partly responsible for the riot was a powerful factor in the
anti-saloon campaign which took place in 1907 and resulted in closing
every saloon in the state of Georgia on January 1, 1908. And the riot and
the revulsion which followed it will combine to make a recurrence of such
a disturbance next to impossible.
CHAPTER II
FOLLOWING THE COLOUR LINE IN THE SOUTH
Before entering upon a discussion of the more serious aspects of the Negro
question in the South, it may prove illuminating if I set down, briefly,
some of the more superficial evidences of colour line distinctions in the
South as they impress the investigator. The present chapter consists of a
series of sketches from my note-books giving the earliest and freshest
impressions of my studies in the South.
When I first went South I expected to find people talking about the Negro,
but I was not at all prepared to find the subject occupying such an
overshadowing place in Southern affairs. In the North we have nothing at
all like it; no question which so touches every act of life, in which
everyone, white or black, is so profoundly interested. In the North we are
mildly concerned in many things; the South is overwhelmingly concerned in
this one thing.
And this is not surprising, for the Negro in the South is both the labour
problem and the servant question; he is preëminently the political issue,
and his place, socially, is of daily and hourly discussion. A Negro
minister I met told me a story of a boy who went as a sort of butler's
assistant in the home of a prominent family in Atlanta. His people were
naturally curious about what went on in the white man's house. One day
they asked him:
"What do they talk about when they're eating?"
The boy thought a moment; then he said:
"Mostly they discusses us culled folks."
_What Negroes Talk About_
The same consuming interest exists among the Negroes. A very large part of
their conversation deals with the race question. I had been at the
Piedmont Hotel only a day or two when my Negro waiter began to take
especially good care of me. He flecked off imaginary crumbs and gave me
unnecessary spoons. Finally, when no one was at hand, he leaned over and
said:
"I understand you're down here to study the Negro problem."
"Yes," I said, a good deal surprised. "How did you know it?"
"Well, sir," he replied, "we've got ways of knowing things."
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