Foot-prints of a letter carrier; or, a history of the world's correspondeceRees, James
History
Foot-prints of a letter carrier; or, a history of the world's correspondece
Rees, James
Postal service -- History; Postal service -- United States -- History
Mail-matter from every direction will reach our citizens much
earlier,—in most cases several hours sooner. This will show at once how
essential to our merchants is this new improvement: nor can we at this
early period of its introduction calculate all the advantages likely to
result from it. The idea of a post-office performing its distributing
duties on a railway, going at the rate of thirty miles an hour, is one
of those scintillations of genius which only emits light once in a
century,—that century the present.[49]
_THE FRANKING PRIVILEGE._
“I have said so much, that if I had not a frank I must burn
my letter and begin again.”—COWPER.
It is the abuse of certain privileges, which all governments accord to a
portion of its officers, which leads to fraud, crime, and corruption.
Among these, that of the franking system may be ranked as a most
prominent one. Had it been checked at an earlier period of our postal
history, how many evils would have been prevented, and how far more
plethoric would have been its treasury!
As early as 1782, even in its incipient state, far-seeing men objected
to its exercise. In December (6th), 1782, an ordinance extending the
privilege of franking letters to the heads of all the departments was
reported and taken up. Various ideas were thrown out on the subject at
large,—some contending for the extension proposed, some for a total
abolition of the privilege as well in members of Congress as in others,
some for a limitation of the privilege to a definite number or weight of
letters. Those who contended for a total abolition represented the
privilege as productive of abuses, reducing the profits so low as to
prevent the extension of the establishment throughout the United States,
and throwing the whole burden of the establishment on the mercantile
intercourse. On the other side, it was contended that in case of an
abolition the delegates or their constituents would be taxed just in
proportion to their distance from the seat of Congress,—which was
neither just nor politic, considering the many other disadvantages which
were inseparable from that distance; that, as the correspondence of the
delegates was the principal channel through which a general knowledge of
public affairs was diffused, any abridgment of it would in so far
confine this advantage to the States within the neighborhood of
Congress, and that as the correspondence at present, _however
voluminous_, did not exclude from the mail any private letters which
would be subject to postage, and if postage was extended to letters now
franked the number and size of them would be essentially reduced, the
revenue was not affected in the manner represented. The ordinance was
disagreed to, and the subject recommitted with instructions to the
committee, giving them ample latitude for such report as they should
think fit. Whether the report was ever made we are not advised; but its
latitude has increased with the introduction of every new State and
Territory.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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