Four Lectures on the English RevolutionGreen, Thomas Hill
History
Four Lectures on the English Revolution
Green, Thomas Hill
Great Britain -- History -- Puritan Revolution, 1642-1660
little from contention, and would have marred the lawyers’ trade.’
The question whether Charles deserved his death, is one which even
debating societies are beginning to find unprofitable. His death
was a necessary condition of the establishment of the commonwealth,
which, again, was a necessary result of the strife of forces, or more
properly, the conflict of ideas, which the civil war involved. At
first sight, indeed, it might seem the result merely of accident, or
at any rate of personal action and character, of the military talent
of Cromwell, of the nature of the army which he got together, of the
parliamentary animosities begotten of the self-denying ordinance, of
the foolish confidence of Charles in his ability to shatter the two
parties against each other, and lastly of the resolution of Cromwell
in self-defence to command the situation. Beneath the confused web of
personal relations, {327} however, may be seen the conflict of those
religious ideas which I have spoken of as resulting from the action
of the Reformation on the spirit of Christendom. On the one hand was
the _jus divinum_ of a sacerdotal church; not simply appealing by
ritual or mystery to the devout, but applied at once to strengthen
and justify a royal interest. To this was opposed the _jus divinum_
of the presbyterian discipline, resting, not on priestly authority,
but on the popular conscience, yet claiming to be equally absolute
over body and soul with the other. Their antagonism elicited the
_jus divinum_ of individual persuasion, a right hitherto unasserted
in christendom, which, while the old recognised rights were in the
suspense of conflict, became a might. In the rapture of war it felt
its strength, and a master-hand gave it the form and system which it
lacked. The ancient order, too weak to regulate or absorb it, tried
blindly, while it was still armed and exultant, to crush it, and
itself necessarily fell to pieces in the attempt. But this might of
individual persuasion, though in a revolutionary struggle it could
conquer, was unable to govern. It was a spirit without a body, a
force with no lasting means of action on the world around it. Even at
the present day its office is to work under and through established
usage and interests, rather than to control them. Much less capable
was it of such control, when it was still in the stage of mere
impulse or feeling, with none of the calm comprehension which comes
of developed thought.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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