Free Trade with India: An Enquiry into the True State of the Question at Issue Between His Majesty's Ministers, the Honorable the East India Company, and the Public at Large, on the Justice and Policy of a Free Trade to IndiaCommon sense (Writer), active 1813
History
Free Trade with India: An Enquiry into the True State of the Question at Issue Between His Majesty's Ministers, the Honorable the East India Company, and the Public at Large, on the Justice and Policy of a Free Trade to India
Common sense (Writer), active 1813
East India Company; Great Britain -- Commerce -- India; India -- Commerce -- Great Britain
As to our manufactures it is not probable that more would be consumed
than at present, for as we have already observed, the officers in the
Company's service carry out goods of all descriptions, and enter into
competition with each other, and that whatever can be sold they can and
do take out[E]; however if this reasoning be not satisfactory, there is
a very easy way of extending that species of traffic without any
danger.
At present none of our manufacturers lose by bad debts with India; were
the trade laid open, it would undoubtedly be worse than at Beunos Ayres,
when one call from Sir Home Popham took out from three to four millions
of British capital, (as a boatswain whistles his crew on deck,) to the
great loss and disappointment of some, and the absolute ruin of many
more. Now should the consumption of our goods not be increased; opening
the trade would manifestly injure all embarking in it; for the freight
and insurance could not be lower, but would be considerably higher than
at present.
As to a few individual towns asserting a claim to participate in the
commerce of India, it is a very singular and novel kind of claim: if I
apprehend aright, the nature of things attaches particular advantages to
particular places; I mean privileges which are _naturally_ local.
The court, for example, is held at London, which brings a great influx
of wealth to the metropolis. On this principle Edinburgh might put in a
claim to have the court some part of the year, and such claim might be
followed up by similar ones from the _keel-men_ of Newcastle, the
locksmiths of Walsal, and the tinmen of Cornwall. The thing is really
too ridiculous to think seriously upon. Some advantages are not only
local, but indivisible, and there is no injustice arising therefrom,
though with a little sophistry in certain cases it may be made to appear
injustice when it is really not so, which is the case in the present
instance, for it is in the revenue that the nation is a gainer by the
East India Company, and that must suffer considerably in the collection;
besides, all the docks, warehouses, and other establishments made here,
on the faith of the trade remaining as it is, must come into the
question.
If trade must be dispersed equally over a country, like spreading manure
on a field, it would be different; but there is an absurdity in the very
idea of spreading it equally, and justice has absolutely nothing to do
with the question; it is entirely a matter of policy and expediency.
VI. _That some errors were fallen into in the present charter, which
may be advantageously corrected in the next; and a few slight
amendments may be attempted with safety, but no great change or
innovation._
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