Civil disobedience -- India; India -- Politics and government -- 1919-1947
Even more important than this is the participation of India in the great
Asiatic Federation which I see in the course of formation. I have hardly
any doubt that the Pan-Islamic movement which was started on a somewhat
narrow basis has given way or is about to give way to the great Federation
of all Asiatic people. It is the union of the oppressed nationalities of
Asia. Is India to remain outside the union? I admit that our freedom must
be won by ourselves, but such a bond of friendship and love of sympathy
and co-operation between India and the rest of Asia, nay between India and
all the liberty-loving people of the world is destined to bring about
World Peace. World Peace, to my mind, means the freedom of every
nationality and I go further and say that no nation in the face of the
earth can be really free when other nations are in bondage. The policy
which we have hitherto pursued, was absolutely necessary for the
concentration of the work which we took upon ourselves to perform and I
agreed to that policy whole-heartedly. The hope of the attainment of
Swaraj or a substantial basis of Swaraj in the course of the year made
such concentration absolutely necessary. To-day that very work demands
broader sympathy and a wider outlook.
DEMANDS FOR PUNJAB WRONGS, KHILAFAT AND SWARAJ
We are on the eve of great changes, and the world-forces are upon us. The
victory of Kemal Pasha has broken the bonds of Asia and she is all astir
with life. It is Prometheus who spoke within her, and 'her thoughts' are
like the many forests of vale through which the might of whirlwind and
rain had passed. The stir within every European country for the real
freedom of the people has also worked a marvellous transformation in the
mentality of subject races. That which was more or less a matter of Ideal
has now come within the range of practical politics. The Indian nation has
found out its bearings. At such a time as this it is necessary for us to
reconsider and to restate our demands. Our demands regarding the Punjab
wrongs have got to be restated because many of them have already been
realised. Our demands regarding Khilafat have got to be reconsidered,
because some of them have already been worked out and we hope that before
Lausanne Commission has finished their work very little of it will remain
unrealised. Our demand for Swaraj must now be presented in a more
practical shape. The Congress should frame a clear scheme of what we mean
by a system of government which may serve as a real foundation for
Swaraj. Hitherto, we have not defined any such system of Government. We
have not done so advisedly as it was on the psychological aspect of Swaraj
that we concentrated our attention. But circumstances to-day have changed.
The desire is making us impatient. It is therefore the duty of the
Congress to place before the Country a clear scheme of the system of
Government which we demand. Swaraj, as I have said, is indefinable and is
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