French and German Socialism in Modern Times — John Shaqi
French and German Socialism in Modern TimesEly, Richard T. (Richard Theodore)
History
French and German Socialism in Modern Times
Ely, Richard T. (Richard Theodore)
Socialism -- France; Socialism -- Germany
Yes, it is true; much more can be said in favor of the social
organization of the Middle Ages than is commonly supposed. Nor were those
times so backward as many think. Cities like Nuremberg, in Germany, show
remains of the civilization of the Middle Ages which convince one that
a considerable grandeur had then been attained, and that the people of
those times were by no means in every respect inferior to us. But the
framework of this past civilization, not admitting of expansion, broke to
pieces. It was not large enough for the modern growth of population and
wealth. Its institutions were abused by those in power, and in a time of
general corruption and oppression they fell with a terrible crash. The
French Revolution swept them away forever. While this revolution formed
one of the grandest epochs in history, it left society in a singularly
disorganized state. No one appeared to be connected with his fellow-man.
Each one stood alone by himself. The individualistic and atomistic
condition of modern society had begun. In the reaction which followed
upon restraint this was thought to be an unmixed good. Each one was left
free to pursue his own interests in his own way. Commerce and industries
took a wonderful start, and by the aid of inventions and discoveries
expanded in such a rapid and all-embracing manner as to astound the
world. It is probable that as we, after more than two thousand years,
look back upon the time of Pericles with wonder and astonishment as an
epoch great in art and literature, posterity two thousand years hence
will regard our era as forming an admirable and unparalleled epoch in
the history of industrial invention. During this time of growth and
increasing wealth it was at first generally thought that everything was
moving along finely. The third estate had been emancipated. Its members
had no longer to bear alone the burdens of government. It betook itself
to trade and manufactures, grew wealthy, and became the _bourgeoisie_ of
modern political economy. But speedily a fourth estate was discovered,
whose members consisted of dependents—workers for daily wages. What had
been done for them? They had also nominal freedom, but did they enjoy
actual freedom? They were in possession of political equality, but had
they advanced one single step in the direction of social and economic
equality? There were not wanting those who went even further than to
answer both of these questions in the negative. They pointed to the fact
that the weak and needy had, as never before, lost all connection with
the strong and powerful. Hundreds of laborers crowded in a single shop
lost all personal feeling with their one employer. Formerly the distance
between journeyman and master was slight, and the passage from the one
condition to the other could invariably be effected by diligence and
ability. This change of condition now became absolutely impossible for
the greater number. The majority of those engaged in manufactures must,
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
Reviews
Reviews
No reviews yet
Be the first to share your thoughts on this work.
Join the Discussion
Join the discussion
Sign in to leave a comment or review.
Sign InorCreate an account