fundamental laws of public propriety. We must get rid of our confusion of principles with respect to those young people who, separated from their family by their profession, are entrusted to society. In the first place, in what has reference to the soldier, patriotism and a feeling of true honour, would not give him up to be corrupted by long years of inaction in garrison, and would not permit any man to lead the life of a pig under cover of the flag of France. Now that we are threatened with the corporal-instructor, we ought, I think, to be permitted to know that his certificate of good conduct has not compelled him to disavow his illegitimate children, nor to denounce and imprison the victim guilty of having aimed a blow against his security in debauchery. As for that numerous body of civilian youths fighting on the battle-field of life in schools, in public offices, workshops, commerce and so forth, shall we leave them without a guide, to succumb to the degradation of the companions of Ulysses? No; they must henceforward do themselves honour by putting a curb on their passions and mastering their excesses. It is the duty of us all to shew them, from the commencement of their course, marked distinctions between the road to honour and that to infamy by imposing obligatory limits to stop them in bad courses. It is the right of moral families to know that the member they wish to unite to them by marriage is a man, and not a living carcase, sullied with all sorts of profligacy. Let us then establish courts of honour to separate goodness from evil—great associations which will confer distinction on themselves by the morality they exact from their candidates and those whom they employ, putting us thus upon the road of reformation. Each of us has, in this matter, his work to accomplish, and we shall succeed if we know how to be united in a common feeling. The law for outrage on public morals would authorize us in a rebellion against our administrative toleration of vice; all men of courage, claiming the emancipation of destitution sold to profligacy, must likewise denounce the shamelessness of those men who would, with one hand, punish the freedom of the press while protecting the obscenity of the streets with the other; who ill-use free-thinkers while they grant charters to free livers. In what has reference to legislative repression Art. 334 of our Criminal Law, joined to Art. 60, of which I have spoken, would be sufficient for putting down the evil, if applied to direct profligacy, especially in actions for debt and theft which debauchees bring against their accomplices.