Frenzied Liberty; The Myth of "A Rich Man's War" — John Shaqi
Frenzied Liberty; The Myth of "A Rich Man's War"Kahn, Otto H.
History
Frenzied Liberty; The Myth of "A Rich Man's War"
Kahn, Otto H.
Socialism -- United States; World War, 1914-1918 -- Finance -- United States; World War, 1914-1918 -- United States
I have no patience with or tolerance for the “war profiteer,” as the
term is understood. The “war hog” is a nuisance and an ignominy. He
should be dealt with just as drastically as is possible without doing
damage to national interests in the process. But neither have I patience
with nor tolerance for the man who would use his country’s war as a
means to promote his pet theories or his political fortunes at the
expense of national unity at a time when we should all be united in
mutual good will and co-operative effort.
And if we do talk about the formula, “conscription of men—conscription
of wealth,” let it be understood that we have called less than 5% of the
Nation’s entire male population, but have called from incomes, business
profits and other imposts falling principally on the well-to-do,
approximately 90% of our war taxation, not to mention the contribution
to the Red Cross, the Y. M. C. A. and other war relief activities.
Let me add in passing that _the children of the well-to-do have been
taken for the war in proportionately greater numbers than the children
of the poor_, because those young men who are needed at home to support
dependents or to maintain essential war industries are exempted from the
draft.
Moreover, to an overwhelming degree the sons of the well-to-do have not
waited to be conscripted. They have volunteered in masses—a far greater
percentage of them than those in less advantageous circumstances. That
is merely as it should be. Having greater advantages, they have
corresponding duties. Not having dependents to take care of, they can
better afford to volunteer than those less fortunately situated.
But the patriotic zeal of the sons of the well-to-do in coming forward
to offer their lives to the country does give a doubly false and
sickening sound to the ranting of the agitator who would arouse class
hatred—who calls this “a rich man’s war and a poor man’s fight” when an
overwhelming percentage of the sons of the men of means have eagerly and
freely offered themselves for military service, when _the draft
exemption regulations discriminate not, as in former wars, in favor of
the rich man’s son but in favor of the poor woman’s son_, and when
capital and business pay more than four-fifths of our war taxation
directly and a large share of the remaining one-fifth indirectly.
I do not say all this to plead for a reduction of the taxation on
wealth, or in order to urge that no additional taxes be imposed on
wealth if need be. There is no limit to the burden which, in time of
stress and strain, those must be willing to bear who can afford it,
except only that limit which is imposed by the consideration that
taxation must not reach a point where the business activity of the
country becomes crippled, and its economic equilibrium is thrown out of
gear, because that would harm every element of the commonwealth and
diminish the war-making capacity of the Nation.
V
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