Froude, James Anthony, 1818-1894. History of England; Great Britain -- History
‘In the brief review of the system under which England was governed,
we have seen a state of things in which the principles of political
economy were, consciously or unconsciously, contradicted; where an
attempt, more or less successful, was made to bring the production
and distribution of wealth under the moral rule of right or wrong;
and where those laws of supply and demand, which we are now taught to
regard as immutable ordinances of nature, were absorbed or superseded
by a higher code. It is necessary for me to repeat that I am not
holding up the sixteenth century as a model which the nineteenth
might safely follow. The population has become too large, and
employment too complicated and fluctuating, to admit of such control;
while, in default of control, the relapse upon self-interest as the
one motive principle is certain to ensue, and, when it ensues, is
absolute in its operations. But as, even with us, these so-called
ordinances of nature in time of war consent to be suspended, and duty
to his country becomes with every good citizen a higher motive of
action than the advantages which he may gain in an enemy’s market; so
it is not uncheering to look back upon a time when the nation was in
a normal condition of militancy against social injustice—when the
Government was enabled, by happy circumstances, to pursue into detail
a single and serious aim at the well-being—well-being in its widest
sense—of all members of the commonwealth. There were difficulties
and drawbacks at that time as well as this. Of Liberty, in the
modern sense of the word—of the supposed right of every man “to do
what he will with his own,” or with himself—there was no idea. To
the question, if ever it was asked, “May I not do what I will with my
own?” there was the brief answer, “No man may do what is wrong,
either with what is his own or with what is another’s.” Producers,
too, who were not permitted to drive down their workmen’s wages by
competition, could not sell their goods as cheaply as they might have
done, and the consumer paid for the law in an advance of price; but
the burden, though it fell heavily on the rich, lightly touched the
poor and the rich consented cheerfully to a tax which ensured the
loyalty of the people. The working man of modern times has bought
the extension of his liberty at the price of his material comfort.
The higher classes have gained in wealth what they have lost in
power. It is not for the historian to balance advantages. His duty
is with the facts.’
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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