Geoffrey de Mandeville: A study of the AnarchyRound, John Horace
History
Geoffrey de Mandeville: A study of the Anarchy
Round, John Horace
Great Britain -- History -- Stephen, 1135-1154; Mandeville, Geoffrey de, earl of Essex, -1144
Possibly, however, the most instructive feature to be found in each
charter is the striking illustration it affords of the method by which
Stephen procured the adhesion of the turbulent and ambitious magnates.
It is not so much a grant from a king to a subject as a _convencio_
between equal powers. But especially would I invite attention to the
words "ut dominus et Rex."[44] I see in them at once the symbol and the
outcome of "the Norman idea of royalty." In his learned and masterly
analysis of this subject, a passage which cannot be too closely studied,
Dr. Stubbs shows us, with felicitous clearness, the twin factors of
Norman kinghood, its royal and its feudal aspects.[45] Surely in the
expression "dominus et Rex" (_alias_ "Rex et dominus") we have in actual
words the exponent of this double character.[46] And, more than this, we
have here the needful and striking parallel which will illustrate and
illumine the action of the Empress, so strangely overlooked or
misunderstood, when she ordered herself, at Winchester, to be proclaimed
"DOMINA ET REGINA."
Henry of Huntingdon asserts distinctly that from Reading Stephen passed
to Oxford, and that he there renewed the pledges he had made on his
coronation-day.[47] That, on leaving Reading, he moved to Oxford, though
the fact is mentioned by no other chronicler, would seem to be placed
beyond question by Henry's repeated assertion.[48] But the difficulty is
that Henry specifies what these pledges were, and that the version he
gives cannot be reconciled either with the king's "coronation charter"
or with what is known as his "second charter," granted at Oxford later
in the year. Dr. Stubbs, with the caution of a true scholar, though he
thinks it "probable," in his great work, that Stephen, upon this
occasion, made "some vague promises," yet adds, of those recorded by
Henry—
"Whether these promises were embodied in a charter is uncertain: if
they were, the charter is lost; it is, however, more probable that the
story is a popular version of the document which was actually issued by
the king, at Oxford, later in the year 1136."[49]
In his later work he seems inclined to place more credence in Henry's
story.
"After the funeral, at Oxford or somewhere in the neighbourhood, he
arranged terms with them; terms by which he endeavoured, amplifying the
words of his charter, to catch the good will of each class of his
subjects.... The promises were, perhaps, not insincere at the time;
anyhow, they had the desired effect, and united the nation for the
moment."[50]
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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