English essays -- 20th century; Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1901-1910
The question of the House of Lords appears at first sight a more
serious one. But, when examined closely its importance is seen to be
much exaggerated. In order to make out a case strong enough to induce
us to turn aside from our more urgent tasks and spend weary years in
agitating for the disestablishment of the Upper House, Radicals must
show that the Lords are in the habit of rejecting measures of great
intrinsic importance to the people at large and really demanded by
them. Can they show this? I think not. The only measure of importance
which the Lords have rejected during the last thirty years has been
the Home Rule Bill, and a subsequent appeal to the people proved
conclusively that the Lords were right in so rejecting it--that the
people of Great Britain were not as a whole really in favour of it, in
fact that there was no such effective demand as there ought clearly to
be before so great a change is made in the constitution of the realm.
Even if the Radicals had the solid democracy at their back (as they
certainly have not and are not in the least likely to have) it would
still take some ten years to disestablish the Lords. On the other hand,
if we have the democracy at our back in support of any particular
reform that we want, it will not take much more than ten weeks to
intimidate or circumvent them. The Lords are too acute and too careful
of their own interests to resist for any length of time measures upon
which Englishmen have once made up their minds firmly. As a matter of
fact the objection to the House of Lords is not a reformer’s objection
but a Liberal partizan’s objection. The existence of the Second
Chamber, as at present constituted, undoubtedly hampers the Liberal
party in its competition with the Tories, because the Tories can get
more drastic measures of reform through the Upper House than they can.
But with us to whom it is a matter of supreme indifference by which
party reforms are carried this consideration need not weigh.
It cannot of course be denied that the present constitution of the
Upper House is a flagrant anachronism. The structure of our society
is no longer feudal, and government by a hereditary territorial
aristocracy is therefore out of date. Moreover there are practical
disadvantages in the present system, since, though the Lords do not
reject anything which the people really want, they do sometimes
mutilate valuable measures in the interest of property owners. If
therefore it be found possible without wasting too much valuable
energy to introduce new elements into the composition of the Second
Chamber, one would not refuse to consider the idea. This is in fact
almost certain, to be done some day--probably by the Tories anxious to
strengthen the Upper House. The inclusion of elected representatives
from the Colonies might be a very good way to begin.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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