Gleanings in Europe : $b Italy, vol. 2 of 2Cooper, James Fenimore
General
Gleanings in Europe : $b Italy, vol. 2 of 2
Cooper, James Fenimore
Cooper, James Fenimore, 1789-1851 -- Travel -- Italy; Italy -- Description and travel
From Pompeii we went to Castel-a-mare. This town stands near the ancient
site of Stabiæ, which was also destroyed by the eruption of the year 79.
The king has a favourite country palace on the heights behind the town;
it is called _Qui si sana_,[2] a name that answers to the _Sans Souci_
of Frederic, though of a different signification. We saw, a short time
since, the royal squadron on its way from Naples to Castel-a-mare, the
king having several vessels that he uses as yachts. One was a ship, and
there were also a brig and a schooner. There is a schooner now lying at
Naples, that was seized under the decrees of Murat, which was formerly
appropriated to the same purposes. Since my arrival here, I have heard
an interesting fact coupled with these seizures, on authority so good
that I give it credit.
Footnote 2:
“_Here one is cured_,” literally translated.
When the proposition to seize these vessels was made to Murat, he
resisted it, on the ground that it was a species of piracy, a breach of
faith that could not be tolerated for a moment by any independent
nation, and _that immediate war would be the consequence_. His minister
knew America better than his master: “_America will not declare war,
sire, for it is a country of traders, and these are men who will not
consent to lose their present profits for the maintenance of a
principle._ It is true, in the end something will be done, for no nation
can submit to such an aggression; but at present it will be nothing but
talk. Hereafter, Naples may have to make compensation; but your majesty
needs money, and we can consider this as a forced loan.” The counsel was
followed, and we now know how true was the minister’s prediction. This
person was wrong in his general estimate of the American nation, but
perfectly right in that of its merchants, who have the character common
to all in trade. They never look beyond the day. It is our misfortune to
have no towns but trading towns, and, consequently, no collected
influence to resist their published opinions and interested clamour,
which are fast tending to a misconception, and to a displacing of all
the interests of life. Thus it is we find men treating commerce, which
is merely an incident of human affairs, as a principal, and struggling
to make every thing, even morals and laws, subservient to its ends, and
this, too, without a due regard to means. This class of citizens overawe
those presses which have the greatest circulation, and by acting in
concert, and with available means, form a powerful, and, more
especially, a clamorous resistance, to any thing that thwarts, or which
they fancy thwarts, their interests. The commercial class of America, as
a class, will ever be found in opposition to any administration that
loyally carries out the intention of the government; for that intention
is indissolubly connected with great principles, whereas their bias has
ever been to expedients that are temporary and fluctuating, or to the
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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