Great Britain's Sea Policy: A Reply to an American Critic, reprinted from 'The Atlantic Monthly'Murray, Gilbert
History
Great Britain's Sea Policy: A Reply to an American Critic, reprinted from 'The Atlantic Monthly'
Murray, Gilbert
Bullard, Arthur, 1879-1925. Our relations with Great Britain; World War, 1914-1918 -- Blockades
We examine neutral mails. This seems a bad case. We have actually a rule
of the Hague Convention against us, just as all the belligerents
have--or have only just missed having--in the matter of aeroplanes. The
Convention maintains the inviolability of all mail-bags, and used to
forbid all dropping of explosives from the air. Yet I feel some
confidence that any future conference will recognize that both these
rules are "unemployable," and will justify our action about the mails.
The old precedents do not apply at all. There has never been in any
previous war anything approaching the present network of commercial and
political correspondence across the Atlantic. Suppose in the Civil War
there had been large settlements of Confederates in Mexico and in
Canada, who were engaged in plots against the United States: Is it to be
believed that President Lincoln would have refrained from opening the
captured mail-bags passing between Canada and Mexico? A German in
Denmark or Sweden arranges for an Indian in San Francisco to come to
England with a false American passport in order to murder Sir Edward
Grey: is he to have the right of sending and receiving letters,
unhindered, under the eyes of the British fleet? Plots about contraband
are of course much commoner. Are we to be allowed to search ships for
nickel and rubber, but forbidden to interfere with these plotters'
mail-bags? The rules and the precedents of other wars are here against
us, but I must say that such a complete change in conditions seems
absolutely to demand a change of rules.
"The closing of the Suez Canal to neutrals is a measure for which no
military necessity has been shown." Mr. Bullard does not seem to
question its legality, and I have not tried to find out exactly what the
rights of either Egypt or Great Britain or the Suez Canal shareholders
may be. But as for the military necessity, surely a child can see it. To
block the Canal would be worth some millions of dollars to the enemy. A
much smaller sum would suffice to induce a dozen Greeks, or Swedish, or
even unprejudiced Dutch skippers to play certain tricks which I need not
name, but which might make the Canal unusable for several weeks.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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