Greece -- History; Greece -- Politics and government; Imperialism
there was no parallel in Boeotia, was the hegemon. Subordination to
a synod was offensive enough to city-states which regarded complete
independence as alone ideal. It was intolerable to them to submit to
a synod which its hegemon, Philip of Macedon, controlled,--one which
could never have any one but the contemporary king of Macedon as its
hegemon. The hegemony of Macedon was sugar-coated, but it was none the
less an hegemony, and, as such, illegal and unacceptable.[10]
A notable start in the direction of uniting city-states legally in a
larger whole had been made by Athens during the epoch of her empire.
She had then founded many colonies (_cleruchies_), which, though
organized as separate cities, retained for their residents citizenship
in Athens. Why not grant citizenship (_polity_) to the inhabitants of
other cities as well? There were some, and among them the comedian
Aristophanes,[11] who canvassed this idea. "Let us assume," he says,
"that our city is a heap of wool, and that each of our allied cities
is a fleck of wool. Let us take all the wool and spin it into yarn,
and weave the yarn into a great blanket with which to protect our lord
Demos against the cold." But for this drastic measure the times were
not ripe. It was altogether repugnant to the pride of the Athenians
to share with everybody advantages which they had sacrificed so much
to acquire; and there was little in the advantages thus diluted to
compensate other cities for the at least partial loss of identity
which they were bound to sustain on acquiring Athenian citizenship.
In the one instance in which this course was taken, the Samians, to
whom Athens gave her full civic rights in the supreme agony of the
Peloponnesian War, had both earned them and come to appreciate them by
sacrificing their own territory rather than desert their ally.
Another less heroic expedient for bringing about a permanent _entente_
between cities was the grant of _isopolity_, or reciprocity of
citizenship. In certain cases this was the concession of the passive
rights of citizenship (_civitas sine suffragio_) to all citizens of a
particular city who should take up residence in, or even merely visit,
the territory of the grantor. Thus circumscribed, however, it amounted
simply to an exchange of commercial privileges, and proved barren of
political consequences in that each city reserved to itself complete
control of its own policy, thus rendering impossible any advance in
state building. It remained for the Romans to render this institution
fruitful to an astonishing degree by making the legal exercise of Roman
citizenship independent of migration to Rome.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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