Greece -- History; Greece -- Politics and government; Imperialism
The work of Parliament was divided between the ecclesia and the heliæa;
for legislation in the strict sense of the term could be enacted only
by the joint action of the two bodies.[24] Administrative decrees,
moreover, by means of which the ecclesia disposed of all important
public business, and which might differ from laws only in a formal
way, could be suspended at the initiative of individuals and were
incontestable only when passed on, as to constitutionality or public
expediency, by the heliæa. The men who sat in the heliæa were but
common citizens like those who voted in the ecclesia; but they came to
sit in judgment on both laws and decrees by the accident of the lot
and not because of any particular interest in the questions concerned.
In other words, the courts could not be packed with partisans as the
meetings of the ecclesia commonly were. This fact, together with the
delay which necessarily occurred, protected the state against the
verdict of a chance majority, which was in fact usually a minority
of all the citizens. There was no such thing in Athens as the final
settlement of controversial matters by a single popular vote.
The heliæa acted as sovereign in one further particular. Upon it
devolved the duty of determining whether the magistrates and
councilors observed the laws and conducted themselves honestly during
their years of office. It was to the sworn assembly of the Athenians,
accordingly, that all those engaged in civil administration were
responsible. The ecclesia, on the other hand, had the right to impeach
and dismiss those officials who, being given discretionary powers,
abused them.
The main work of the heliæa was of course to settle domestic and
imperial litigation. As we shall see, the judicial power of the heliæa
gave it a large measure of political control over all the subject
cities of Athens.
The heliæa was the brake on the democratic machine: the ecclesia
was the dynamo. The intent of the Athenians was that all political
decisions of importance should be reached, after full debate, by the
ecclesia. It was, however, obvious that an assembly of from five to
fifty thousand men would proceed with disastrous slowness if all
matters, great and small, were laid before it, or even if it considered
only significant affairs, but considered them without previous
examination and formulation. Perversion of modern democracies results
most notably from the usurpation of power on the part of those who sift
proposals for popular reference. Athens had to guard against a similar
danger. Hence the harbinger of democracy, Clisthenes, created for it
one of the most peculiar _probuleutic_, or deliberative, bodies which
ever had the handling of large affairs. This was the council of the
Five Hundred.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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