Gunpowder and Ammunition, Their Origin and ProgressHime, H. W. L. (Henry William Lovett)
History
Gunpowder and Ammunition, Their Origin and Progress
Hime, H. W. L. (Henry William Lovett)
Ammunition; Gunpowder
Two obscure passages in Byzantine works, which hitherto have never been
satisfactorily explained, are made clear by this interpretation. The
first occurs in the “Tactics” of Constantine VIII., where he directs
“‘flexible’ (apparatus) with (artificial) fire, siphons, hand-siphons,
and manjaniks” to be employed, if they are at hand, against any tower
that may be advanced against the wall of a besieged town.[100] The
“flexible” apparatus cannot refer to the helical springs of a later
age. Neither can it mean crossbows, for the Princess Anna, who wrote
a century after Constantine, expressly says: “The crossbow (_tzangra_)
is a foreign weapon (hitherto) unknown in the Greek service.”[101]
That it cannot mean longbows is quite certain from the second of the
obscure passages in question, which occurs in the “Alexiad”: “In the
bow of each ship he (the Admiral) put the heads of lions and other land
animals, made of brass and iron, gilt, so as to be (quite) frightful
to look at; and he arranged that from their mouths, which were (wide)
open, should issue the fire to be delivered by the soldiers by means
of (or through) the ‘flexible’ apparatus.”[102] The enemy might have
exclaimed with the Jewish king: “They gaped upon me with their mouths,
as a ravening and as a roaring lion.” But whatever the moral effect of
these trumpery scarecrows—if ever actually used—it is certain that
archers with longbows could not have shot fire-arrows through them with
any success; and the meaning of Emperor and Princess remains hidden
until we interpret “flexible instrument” as the leathern hose of a pump
or water-engine, than which nothing can be more flexible. The import of
both passages then becomes perfectly plain. Such a mode of discharging
incendiaries is by no means unknown in later military history. “Dans
une expérience faite au Havre, 1758, avec une pompe à huile de naphte,
dont le jet était enflammé par une mèche allumée, on brûla même
une chaloupe.”[103] At the siege of Charleston, 1863, not only was
solidified Greek fire in tin tubes employed,[104] but coal naphtha
placed in shells or pumped through hose.[105] Finally, M. Berthelot
speaks of “les propositions faites, pendant le siège de Paris (1870),
pour repousser les ennemis au moyen de pompes projetant des jets de
pétrole enflammé. Mais cet agent ... n’a été mis réellement à l’épreuve
que par la Commune, pour brûler nos palais.”[106]
When the Crusades began in 1097 Greeks were thus in possession of
two species of incendiaries: the sea-fire which was distinctively
and exclusively Greek, and the old mixture of the Æneas family which
was known all over the East. Yet it was to the latter that the name
“Greek fire” was given by the Crusaders, who, I believe, had neither
experience nor knowledge of the sea-fire. The only passage I can recall
among the old writers in which the two fires are discriminated and
correctly named occurs in the metrical romance “Richard Coer-de-Lion,”
_temp._ Edward I. (1272-1307):—
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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