realizes, that the army of youth is already assembling for “the effort of reason and the adventure of beauty.” I shall say little of his work as a critic of institutions. It is enough to point out that if such realistic studies as his “Trans-National America” and his “Mirror of the Middle West” (a perfect example, by the way, of his theory of the book review as an independent enquiry with a central idea of its own), his papers on the settlements and on sociological fiction had appeared fifteen years ago, a vastly greater amount of effective energy might have survived the break-up of the first phase of the social movement. When he showed what mare’s-nests the settlements and the “melting-pot” theory and the “spirit of service” are, and what snares for democracy lie in Meredith Nicholson’s “folksiness,” he closed the gate on half the blind alleys in which youth had gone astray; and he who had so delighted in Veblen’s ruthless condensation of the mystical gases of American business implied in every line he wrote that there is a gulf fixed between the young intellectual and the unreformable “system.” The young intellectual, henceforth, was an unclassed outsider, with a scent all the more keenly sharpened for new trails because the old trails were denied him, and for Bourne those new trails led straight, and by the shortest possible route, to a society the very reverse of ours, a society such as A.E. has described in the phrase, “democratic in economics, aristocratic in thought,” to be attained through a coalition of the thinkers and the workers. The task of the thinkers, of the intelligentsia, in so far as they concerned themselves directly with economic problems, was, in Bourne’s eyes, chiefly to _think_. It was a new doctrine for American radicals; it precisely denoted their advance over the evangelicism of fifteen years ago. “The young radical to-day,” he wrote in one of his reviews, “is not asked to be a martyr, but he is asked to be a thinker, an intellectual leader.... The labor movement in this country needs a philosophy, a literature, a constructive socialist analysis and criticism of industrial relations. Labor will scarcely do this thinking for itself. Unless middle-class radicalism threshes out its categories and interpretations and undertakes this constructive thought it will not be done.... The only way by which middle-class radicalism can serve is by being fiercely and concentratedly intellectual.”