History of European Morals From Augustus to Charlemagne (Vol. 1 of 2)Lecky, William Edward Hartpole
Philosophy
History of European Morals From Augustus to Charlemagne (Vol. 1 of 2)
Lecky, William Edward Hartpole
Ethics; Europe -- Moral conditions
While the complete ascendancy of the intellect and manners of Greece was
destroying the simplicity of the old Roman type, and at the same time
enlarging the range of Roman sympathies, an equally powerful influence was
breaking down the aristocratic and class feeling which had so long raised
an insurmountable barrier between the nobles and the plebeians. Their long
contentions had issued in the civil wars, the dictatorship of Julius
Cæsar, and the Empire, and these changes in a great measure obliterated
the old lines of demarcation. Foreign wars, which develop with great
intensity distinctive national types, and divert the public mind from
internal changes, are usually favourable to the conservative spirit; but
civil wars are essentially revolutionary, for they overwhelm all class
barriers and throw open the highest prizes to energy and genius. Two very
remarkable and altogether unprecedented illustrations of this truth
occurred at Rome. Ventidius Bassus, by his military skill, and by the
friendship of Julius Cæsar, and afterwards of Antony, rose from the
position of mule-driver to the command of a Roman army, and at last to the
consulate,(358) which was also attained, about 40 B.C., by the Spaniard
Cornelius Balbus.(359) Augustus, though the most aristocratic of emperors,
in order to discourage celibacy, permitted all citizens who were not
senators to intermarry with freedwomen. The empire was in several distinct
ways unfavourable to class distinctions. It was for the most part
essentially democratic, winning its popularity from the masses of the
people, and crushing the senate, which had been the common centre of
aristocracy and of freedom. A new despotic power, bearing alike on all
classes, reduced them to an equality of servitude. The emperors were
themselves in many cases the mere creatures of revolt, and their policy
was governed by their origin. Their jealousy struck down many of the
nobles, while others were ruined by the public games, which it became
customary to give, or by the luxury to which, in the absence of political
occupations, they were impelled, and the relative importance of all was
diminished by the new creations. The ascendancy of wealth began to pass
into new quarters. Delators, or political informers, encouraged by the
emperors, and enriched by the confiscated properties of those whose
condemnation they had procured, rose to great influence. From the time of
Caligula, for several reigns, the most influential citizens were freedmen,
who occupied the principal offices in the palace, and usually obtained
complete ascendancy over the emperors. Through them alone petitions were
presented. By their instrumentality the Imperial favours were distributed.
They sometimes dethroned the emperors. They retained their power unshaken
through a succession of revolutions. In wealth, in power, in the crowd of
their courtiers, in the splendour of their palaces in life, and of their
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