children must have been beggars, had not my neighbours, who knew my circumstances, originated the subscription which restored me independence. I took the money without shame, because I had earned it. If money had been my sole object in life I should have been a more successful man by sticking to my calicoes, for my partners have grown richer than I by doing so, and young men taken into the concern since I left have made fortunes. I may add that the original formation of the partnership, and the whole scheme of the business, sprung exclusively from myself. But what has this to do with your bill? I never detect myself falling into a twaddle about things personal and past without suspecting that I am growing old and garrulous. I doubt the policy of your presenting a bill to the House. Your strength lies in your principle—_perfect freedom_—which you can argue with more force when not compelled to enter upon details. If you have any suggestions as to the clauses of the Bill, would it not be better to do as you did with the Shipping Bill by giving the Board of Trade the benefit of your hints? It may be necessary to concede something for the sake of carrying any measure, but I doubt whether any concession, beyond a registration, which may be shown to be a convenience to all parties, will not be unsoundness. If it be necessary to tamper with sound principles for the sake of pleasing the Lords, let the proposal come from their party. I suspect we shall be weaker in both Houses in dealing with the question of private partnership upon free-trade principles than with that of Joint Stock Associations. Upon the latter question, people of the —— and —— school of political economy, whose principles are, if pushed home, a little socialistic, took a great interest, because they have an amiable faith in the power of association amongst the working classes. But I doubt whether they will throw much zeal into the question of private partnership. By the way, don’t put the question in the House in the form of a problem A. B. C. D. &c. It does in a written argument, and even then demands a severe attention; but I find that that mode of stating the case in the House does not succeed. “I shall be happy to renew the discussion when we meet, and remain very sincerely yours, “RD. COBDEN.” [33] Though not within the province of this work, it should be remembered that Fox stoutly opposed Pitt’s great Free-trade Treaty with France, in 1756, and that Lord John Russell did not come out as a thorough and earnest Free-trader until 1840-41. [34] Alison’s ‘History of Europe,’ vol. vii. p. 168.