History of the American Negro in the Great World War: His Splendid Record in the Battle Zones of Europe; Including a Resume of His Past Services to his Country in the Wars of the Revolution, of 1812, the War of Rebellion, the Indian Wars on the Frontier, the Spanish-American War, and the Late Imbroglio With MexicoSweeney, William Allison
History
History of the American Negro in the Great World War: His Splendid Record in the Battle Zones of Europe; Including a Resume of His Past Services to his Country in the Wars of the Revolution, of 1812, the War of Rebellion, the Indian Wars on the Frontier, the Spanish-American War, and the Late Imbroglio With Mexico
Sweeney, William Allison
African American soldiers; African Americans -- History -- 1877-1964; World War, 1914-1918 -- Participation, African American
In a later section of the same message the proposition was also advanced
that the American continent was no longer subject to colonization. This
clause of the doctrine was the work of Monroe's secretary of state, John
Quincy Adams, and its occasion was furnished by the fear that Russia was
planning to set up a colony at San Francisco, then the property of
Spain, whose natural heir on the North American continent, Adams held,
was the United States. It is this clause of the document that has
furnished much of the basis for its subsequent development.
In 1902 Germany united with Great Britain and Italy to collect by force
certain claims against Venezuela. President Roosevelt demanded and
finally, after threatening to dispatch Admiral Dewey to the scene of
action, obtained a statement that she would not permanently occupy
Venezuelan territory. Of this statement one of the most experienced and
trusted American editors, avowedly friendly to Germany, remarked at the
time, that while he believed "it was and will remain true for some time
to come, I cannot, in view of the spirit now evidently dominant in the
mind of the emperor and among many who stand near him, express any
belief that such assurances will remain trustworthy for any great length
of time after Germany shall have developed a fleet larger than that of
the United States." He accordingly cautioned the United States "to bear
in mind probabilities and possibilities as to the future conduct of
Germany, and therefore increase gradually our naval strength." Bismarck
pronounced the Monroe Doctrine "an international impertinence," and this
has been the German view all along.
Dr. Zorn, one of the most conservative of German authorities on
international affairs, concluded an article in Die Woche of September
13, 1913, with these words: "Considered in all its phases, the Monroe
Doctrine is in the end seen to be a question of might only and not of
right."
The German government's efforts to check American influence in the Latin
American states had of late years been frequent and direct. They
comprised the encouragement of German emigration to certain regions, the
sending of agents to maintain close contact, presentation of German
flags in behalf of the Kaiser, the placing of the German Evangelical
churches in certain South American countries under the Prussian State
Church, annual grants for educational purposes from the imperial
treasury at Berlin, and the like.
The "Lodge resolution," adopted by the senate in 1912, had in view the
activities of certain German corporations in Latin America, as well as
the episode that immediately occasioned it; nor can there be much doubt
that it was the secret interference by Germany at Copenhagen that
thwarted the sale of the Danish West Indies to the United States in
1903.
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