History of the Impeachment of Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, by the House of Representatives, and his trial by the Senate for high crimes and misdemeanors in office, 1868Ross, Edmund G. (Edmund Gibson)
History
History of the Impeachment of Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, by the House of Representatives, and his trial by the Senate for high crimes and misdemeanors in office, 1868
Ross, Edmund G. (Edmund Gibson)
Johnson, Andrew, 1808-1875 -- Impeachment
It was the misfortune of the time, and of the occasion, which determined
Mr. Lincoln to institute a plan of restoration during the interim
of Congress, that the Republican party, then in absolute control of
Congress, was in no sense equipped for such a work. Its first and great
mission had been the destruction of slavery. Though not phrased in
formal fashion, that was the logic of its creation and existence. It was
brought into being purely as an anti-slavery party, illustrated in the
fact that its membership included every pronounced anti-slavery man,
known as abolitionists, in the United States. All its energies, during
all its life up to the close of the war had been bent to that end. It
had been born and bred to the work of destruction. It came to destroy
slavery, and its forces had been nurtured, to the last day of the war,
in pulling down--in fact, did not then wholly cease.
The work of restoration--the rebuilding of fallen States--had now come.
The Republican party approached that work in the hot blood of war and
the elation of victory--a condition illy fitting the demands of exalted
statesmanship so essential to perfect political effort.
Never had nation or party thrust upon it a more delicate duty or graver
responsibility. It was that of leading a conquered people to build a
new civilization wholly different from the one in ruins. It was first
to reconcile two races totally different from each other, so far as
possible to move in harmony in supplanting servile by free labor, and
the slave by a free American citizen. The transition was sudden, and the
elements antagonistic in race, culture, self-governing power--indeed, in
all the qualities which characterize a free people.
There was a wide margin for honest differences between statesmen
of experience. A universal sentiment could not obtain. The accepted
political leaders of the time were illy equipped to meet the issue--much
less those who had been brought to prominence, and too often to control,
in the hot blood of war and the frictions of the time, when intemperate
denunciation and a free use of the epithets of "rebel," and "traitor,"
had become a ready passport to public honors. It was a time when the
admonition to make haste slowly was of profound significance. A peril
greater than any other the civil war had developed, overhung the nation.
Greater than ever the demand for courage in conciliation--for divesting
the issues of all mere partyism, and the yielding of something by the
extremes, both of conservatism and radicalism.
CHAPTER II. -- THE BALTIMORE CONVENTION.
LINCOLN AND JOHNSON NOT NOMINATED AS REPUBLICANS.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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