History of the Impeachment of Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, by the House of Representatives, and his trial by the Senate for high crimes and misdemeanors in office, 1868 — John Shaqi
History of the Impeachment of Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, by the House of Representatives, and his trial by the Senate for high crimes and misdemeanors in office, 1868Ross, Edmund G. (Edmund Gibson)
History
History of the Impeachment of Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, by the House of Representatives, and his trial by the Senate for high crimes and misdemeanors in office, 1868
Ross, Edmund G. (Edmund Gibson)
Johnson, Andrew, 1808-1875 -- Impeachment
Of those who were slaves at the beginning of the rebellion, full one
hundred thousand are now in the United States military service; about
one half of which number actually bear arms in the ranks; thus giving
the double advantage of taking so much labor from the insurgent cause,
and supplying the places which must otherwise be filled with so many
white men. So far as tested, it is difficult to say they are not as good
soldiers as any. No servile insurrection, or tendency to violence or
cruelty, has marked the measure of emancipation and arming the
blacks. Those measures have been discussed in foreign countries, and
contemporary with such discussion the tone of sentiment there is much
improved. At home the same measures have been fully discussed, and
supported, criticised, and denounced, and the annual elections following
are highly encouraging to those whose official duty it is to bear the
country through this great trial. Thus we have the new reckoning. The
crisis which threatened to divide the friends of the Union is past.
Looking now to the present, and future, and with reference to a
resumption of national authority within the States wherein that
authority has been suspended, I have thought fit to issue a
Proclamation, a copy of which is herewith transmitted. On examination
of this Proclamation it will appear, as is believed, that nothing is
attempted beyond what is amply justified by the Constitution. True, the
form of an oath is given, but no man is coerced to take it. The man
is only promised a pardon in case he voluntarily takes the oath. The
Constitution authorizes the Executive to grant or withhold the pardon
at his own absolute discretion, and this includes the power to grant on
terms, as is fully established by judicial and other authorities.
It is also proffered that, if in any of the States named a State
Government shall be, in the mode prescribed, set up, such Government
shall be recognized and guaranteed by the United States, and that under
it the State shall, on the constitutional conditions, be protected
against invasion and domestic violence. The constitutional obligation of
the United States to guarantee to every State in the Union a republican
form of government, and to protect the State, in the cases stated, is
explicit and full. But why tender the benefits of this provision only
to a State Government set up in this particular way? This section
contemplates a case wherein the element within a State favorable to a
republican government, in the Union, may be too feeble for an opposite
and hostile external to or even within the State; and such are precisely
the cases with which we are dealing.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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