History of the Impeachment of Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, by the House of Representatives, and his trial by the Senate for high crimes and misdemeanors in office, 1868 — John Shaqi
History of the Impeachment of Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, by the House of Representatives, and his trial by the Senate for high crimes and misdemeanors in office, 1868Ross, Edmund G. (Edmund Gibson)
History
History of the Impeachment of Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, by the House of Representatives, and his trial by the Senate for high crimes and misdemeanors in office, 1868
Ross, Edmund G. (Edmund Gibson)
Johnson, Andrew, 1808-1875 -- Impeachment
But why any proclamation on this subject? This question is beset with
the conflicting views that the step might be delayed too long or taken
too soon. In some States the elements for resumption seem ready for
action, but remain inactive apparently for want of a rallying point. Why
shall A. adopt the plan of B., rather than B. that of A.? And if A. and
B. should agree, how can they know but that the General Government here
will reject their plan? By the Proclamation a plan is presented which
may be accepted by them as a rallying point, and which they may be
assured in advance will not be rejected here. This may bring them to act
sooner than they otherwise would.
The objection to a premature presentation of a plan by the National
Executive consists in the danger of committals on points which could
be more safely left to further developments. Care has been taken to so
shape the document as to avoid embarrassment from this source. Saying
that, on certain terms, certain classes will be pardoned, with rights
restored, it is not said that other classes on other terms will never be
included. Saying that reconstruction will be accepted if presented in
a specified way, it is not saying it will not be accepted in any other
way.
The movements, by State action, for emancipation in several of the
States not included in the Emancipation Proclamation, are matters of
profound gratulation, and while I do not repeat in detail what I have
heretofore so earnestly urged upon this subject, my general views and
feelings remain unchanged, and I trust that Congress will omit no fair
opportunity of aiding these important steps to a great consummation.
In the midst of other cares, however important, we must not lose sight
of the fact that the war power is still our main reliance. To that power
alone can we look, for a time, to give confidence to the people in the
contested regions that the insurgent power will not again over-run them.
Until that confidence shall be established, little can be done anywhere
for what is called reconstruction. Hence our chiefest care must still
be directed to the Army and Navy, who have thus far borne their hardest
part nobly and well. And it may be esteemed fortunate that in giving the
greatest efficiency to these indispensable arms, we do also honorably
recognize the gallant men, from commander to sentinel, who compose them,
to whom, more than to others, the world must stand indebted for the home
of freedom disenthralled, regenerated, enlarged and perpetuated.
Abraham Lincoln. December 8, 1863.
The following is the Proclamation of Amnesty and Reconstruction referred
to in the foregoing Message, and further illustrates Mr. Lincoln's plan
for the restoration of the Union:
PROCLAMATION OF AMNESTY AND RECONSTRUCTION.
BY THE PRESIDENT ON THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
Reviews
Reviews
No reviews yet
Be the first to share your thoughts on this work.
Join the Discussion
Join the discussion
Sign in to leave a comment or review.
Sign InorCreate an account