History of the Jews in Russia and Poland, Volume 2 [of 3]: From the Death of Alexander I until the Death of Alexander III (1825-1894)Dubnow, Simon
Religion
History of the Jews in Russia and Poland, Volume 2 [of 3]: From the Death of Alexander I until the Death of Alexander III (1825-1894)
Dubnow, Simon
Jews -- Poland -- History; Jews -- Russia -- History; Poland -- History; Russia -- History
Thus, a large number of Jewish families were completely ruined, merely
because one of their members had emigrated abroad, or, as was frequently
the case, had surrendered his soul to God in his beloved fatherland
itself, and the relatives had failed to see to it that the dead soul was
stricken from the recruiting lists. Yet, despite all these efforts,
there still remained a considerable number of uncollected
fines--"arrears," as they were officially termed--to the profound regret
of the Russian Jew-baiters, who had to look on while the victims were
slipping unpunished from their hands.
CHAPTER XXVII
RUSSIAN REACTION AND JEWISH EMIGRATION
1. AFTERMATH OF THE POGROM POLICY
In this wise, beginning with the May laws of 1882, the Government
gradually succeeded in monopolizing all anti-Jewish activities by
letting bureaucratic persecutions take the place of street pogroms.
However, in 1883 and 1884, the "street" made again occasional attempts
to compete with the Government. On May 10, 1883, on the eve of Alexander
III.'s coronation, a pogrom took place in the large southern city of
Rostov-on-the-Don. About a hundred Jewish residences and business places
were demolished and plundered. All portable property of the Jews was
looted by the mob, and the rest was destroyed. As was to be expected,
"the efforts of the police and troops were unable to stop the
disorders," and only after completing their day's work the rioters fled,
pursued by lashes and shots from the Cossaks. The Russian censorship
strictly barred all references to the pogroms in the newspapers, for
fear of spoiling the solemnity of the coronation days. The press was
only allowed to hint at "alarming rumors," the effect of which extended
even to the stock exchange of Berlin. Not before a year had passed was
permission given to make public mention of the Rostov events.
There was reason to fear that the pogrom at Rostov was only a prelude to
a new series of riots in the South. But more than two months had passed,
and all seemed to be quiet. Suddenly, however, on July 20, on the
Greek-Orthodox festival dedicated to the memory of the prophet Elijah,
the Russian mob made an attack upon the descendants of the ancient
prophet at Yekaterinoslav. The memory of the great biblical Nazirite who
abhorred strong drink was appropriately celebrated by his Russian
votaries in Yekaterinoslav who filled themselves with an immense
quantity of alcohol and became sufficiently intoxicated to embark upon
their daring exploits as robbers.
The ringleaders of the pogrom movement were not local residents but
itinerant laborers from the Great-Russian governments, who were employed
in building a railroad in the neighborhood of the South-Russian city.
These laborers, to quote the expression of a contemporary, attended to
the "military part of the undertaking," whereas the "civil functions"
were discharged by the local Russian inhabitants:
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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