History of the Jews in Russia and Poland, Volume 3 [of 3]: From the Accession of Nicholas II until the Present DayDubnow, Simon
History
History of the Jews in Russia and Poland, Volume 3 [of 3]: From the Accession of Nicholas II until the Present Day
Dubnow, Simon
Jews -- Poland -- History; Jews -- Russia -- History; Poland -- History; Russia -- History
correctly, "National-Cultural Autonomism." Its fundamental principles
have been formulated by the present writer in his "Letters Concerning
Ancient and Modern Judaism."[23]
The theory of Autonomism takes as its point of departure the historic
fact that at all times, with the exception of a few brief and partial
deflections, the Jewish Diaspora, taken as a whole, represented a
national organism, in which the absence of political or territorial
unity was made up by the stronger cohesion of its spiritual and
cultural ties and the greater intensity of its social and autonomous
life. For many centuries the entire culture of Judaism assumed a
religious coloring and its communal autonomy was centered in the
synagogue--which circumstance gave the modern champions of assimilation
reason for thinking that the Jews were only a religious group scattered
among various nations. It was a fatal error on the part of the Parisian
Synhedrion convoked by Napoleon when, in its declaration of 1807, it
proclaimed that "Jewry to-day does not constitute a nation," an error
which during the nineteenth century became an article of faith with
the Jews of Western Europe. The latest development of the national
movement has shown that Jewry, though scattered among various political
states, is a nation full of vitality, and that the Jewish religion
is only one of its functions. The Jewish national idea, secularized
to a certain degree, is based on the assumption that all sections of
the Jewish people, though divided in their political allegiance, form
one spiritual or historico-cultural nation, which, like all national
minority groups in countries with a mixed population, are in duty bound
to fight in their several lands at one and the same time not only for
their civil equality, but also for their national rights--the autonomy
of the Jewish community, school, and language. What Jewish orthodoxy
has for centuries stood for and still stands for, under the guise of
religious Judaism, progressive Jews should fight for under the banner
of a national Jewish culture. The fate of universal Jewry ought not to
be bound up with one single center. We should take into account the
historic fact of a multiplicity of centers of which those that have
the largest numbers and can boast of the most genuine development of a
national Jewish life are entitled to the hegemony of the Jewish people.
In those lands in which civil emancipation has been achieved the fight
must go on for national emancipation, the recognition of the Jews as
a nation which is entitled to a comprehensive communal and cultural
autonomy. In Russia, the struggle must be carried on simultaneously for
civil as well as national rights. Temporary set-backs in this struggle
for a national existence ought not to discourage a nation which has
endured the most terrible sufferings for centuries and has been able to
preserve its spiritual freedom even in the midst of slavery.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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