administration in the legislature, in order to preserve the balance of the Constitution. The sole question with us was, whether the public convenience required that the administration should be able to act directly upon the course of legislation. The prevailing opinion was that this was not required. This opinion was undoubtedly formed under the fear of corruption and the jealousy of executive power, chiefly produced--and justly produced--by the example of what had long existed in England. That the error, if any was committed, lay on the safer side, none can doubt. It is possible that the chances of a corrupt influence would not have been increased, and that the opportunities for a salutary influence might have been enlarged,--as it is highly probable that the convenience of communication would have been promoted,--if some of the higher officers of state could have been allowed to hold seats in either house of Congress. But it is difficult to see how this could have been successfully practised, under the system of representation and election which the framers of the Constitution were obliged to establish: and perhaps this is a decisive answer to the objection.[179] Among the powers conceded by the Constitution to the legislature of each State is that of prescribing the time, place, and manner of holding the elections of its senators and representatives in Congress. This provision[180] originated with the committee of detail; but, as it was reported by them, there was no other authority reserved to Congress itself than that of altering the regulations of the States; and this authority extended as well to the place of choosing the senators, as to all the other circumstances of the election.[181] In the Convention, however, the authority of Congress was extended beyond the alteration of State regulations, so as to embrace a power to make rules, as well as to alter those made by the States. But the place of choosing the senators was excepted altogether from this restraining authority, and left to the States.[182] Mr. Madison, in his minutes, adds the explanation, that the power of Congress to _make_ regulations was supplied, in order to enable them to regulate the elections, if the States should fail or refuse to do so.[183] But the text of the Constitution, as finally settled, gives authority to Congress at "any time" to "make or alter such regulations"; and this would seem to confer a power, which, when exercised, must be paramount, whether a State regulation exists at the time or not.