History of the Origin, Formation, and Adoption of the Constitution of the United States, Vol. 2: With Notices of Its Principle FramersCurtis, George Ticknor
History
History of the Origin, Formation, and Adoption of the Constitution of the United States, Vol. 2: With Notices of Its Principle Framers
Curtis, George Ticknor
Constitutional history -- United States
On the reception of the report of the committee of detail, and when
the article relating to representation was reached, the consequences
of agreeing that the slaves should be computed in the rule, taken in
connection with an unrestrained power in the States to increase the
slave populations by further importation, and with the exemption of
exports from taxation, became more prominent, and more likely to
produce serious dissatisfaction. The concession of the slave
representation had been made by some of the Northern members, in the
hope that it might be the means of strengthening the plan of
government, and of procuring for it full powers both of revenue and of
commercial regulation. But now, it appeared that, as to two very
important points, the hands of the national legislature were to be
absolutely tied. The importation of slaves could not be prohibited;
exports could not be taxed. These restrictions seemed to many to have
an inevitable tendency to defeat the great primary purposes of a
national government. All must agree, that defence against foreign
invasion and against internal sedition was one of the principal
objects for which such a government was to be established. Were all
the States then to be bound to defend each, and was each to be at
liberty to introduce a weakness which would increase both its own and
the general danger, and at the same time to withhold the compensation
for the burden? If slaves were to be imported, why should not the
exports produced by their labor supply a revenue, that would enable
the general government to defend their masters? To refuse it, was so
inequitable and unreasonable, said Rufus King, that he could not
assent to the representation of the slaves, unless exports should be
taxable;--perhaps he could not finally consent to it, under any
circumstances.[217]
Gouverneur Morris, with his accustomed ardor, went further still, and
insisted on re-opening the subject of representation, now that the
other features of the system were to be made to favor the increase of
slaves, and to throw the burdens of maintaining the government chiefly
upon the Northern States. It was idle, he declared, to say that direct
taxation might be levied upon the slaveholding States in proportion to
their representative population: for the general government could
never stretch out its hand, and put it directly into the pockets of
the people, over so vast a country. Its revenues must be derived from
exports, imports, and excises. He therefore would not consent to the
sacrifices demanded, and moved the insertion of the word "free" before
the word "inhabitants," in the article regulating the basis of
representation.[218]
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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