History of the Origin, Formation, and Adoption of the Constitution of the United States, Vol. 2: With Notices of Its Principle FramersCurtis, George Ticknor
History
History of the Origin, Formation, and Adoption of the Constitution of the United States, Vol. 2: With Notices of Its Principle Framers
Curtis, George Ticknor
Constitutional history -- United States
The resolutions of Governor Randolph raised the question as to the
rule of suffrage, before the committee had determined on the division
of the legislative power into two branches. One of his propositions
was, "That the rights of suffrage in the national legislature ought to
be proportioned to the quotas of contribution, or to the number of
free inhabitants, as the one or the other rule may seem best in
different cases." This was no sooner propounded, than a difficulty was
suggested by the deputies of the State of Delaware, which threatened
to impede the whole action of the Convention. They declared that they
felt restrained by their commissions from assenting to any change of
the rule of suffrage, and announced their determination to retire from
the Convention if such a change were adopted. The firmness and address
of Madison and Gouverneur Morris surmounted this obstacle. They
declared that the proposed change was absolutely essential to the
formation of a national government; but they consented to postpone the
question, having ascertained that it would finally be carried.[12]
The committee thereupon immediately determined that the national
legislature should consist of two branches,[13] and proceeded to
consider the mode of representation and suffrage in both. As the
discussions proceeded, the members became divided into two parties
upon the general subject; the one was for a popular basis and a
proportionate representation in both branches; the other was in favor
of an equal representation by States in both. The first issue between
them was made upon the House, or what was termed the first branch of
the legislature. On the one side it was urged, that to give the
election of this branch to the people of the States would make the new
government too democratic; that the people were unsafe depositaries
of such a power, not because they wanted virtue, but because they were
liable to be misled; and that the State legislatures would be more
likely to appoint suitable persons. On the other hand, it was admitted
that an election of the more numerous branch of the national
legislature by the people would introduce a true democratic principle
into the government, and this, it was said, was necessary. It was
urged that this branch of the legislature ought to know and sympathize
with every part of the community, and ought therefore to be taken, not
only from different parts of the republic, but also from different
districts of the larger members of it. The broadest possible basis, it
was said, ought to be given to the new system; and as that system was
to be republican, a direct representation of the people was
indispensable. To increase the weight of the State legislatures, by
making them electors of the national legislature, would only
perpetuate some of the worst evils of the Confederation.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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