History of the Origin, Formation, and Adoption of the Constitution of the United States, Vol. 2: With Notices of Its Principle Framers — John Shaqi
History of the Origin, Formation, and Adoption of the Constitution of the United States, Vol. 2: With Notices of Its Principle FramersCurtis, George Ticknor
History
History of the Origin, Formation, and Adoption of the Constitution of the United States, Vol. 2: With Notices of Its Principle Framers
Curtis, George Ticknor
Constitutional history -- United States
To have adopted the number of legal voters of the States as the ratio
of representation in the national legislature would have been to adopt
a system in which there were great existing inequalities. The elective
franchise had been conferred in the different States upon very
different principles; it was very broad in some of the States, and
much narrower in others, according to their peculiar policy and
manners. These inequalities could scarcely have been removed; for the
right of suffrage in some of the States was more or less connected
with their systems of descent and distribution of property, and those
systems could not readily be changed, so as to adapt the condition of
society to the new interest of representation and influence in the
general government. This plan was, therefore, out of the question.
It was nearly as impracticable, also, to confine the basis of
representation to the white inhabitants of the States. Some of the
States--such as Massachusetts, Connecticut, Rhode Island, New York,
and Pennsylvania, in which slavery was already, or was ultimately to
become, extinct, and Maryland, North Carolina, and Virginia, where
slavery was likely to remain--had large numbers of free blacks. These
inhabitants, who were regarded as citizens in some of the States, but
not in others, were in all a part of their populations, contributing
to swell the aggregate of the numbers and wealth of the State, and
thus to raise it in the scale of relative rank. Their personal
consequence, or social rank, was a thing too remote for special
inquiry. A State that contained five or ten thousand of these
inhabitants might well say, that, although of a distinct race, they
formed an aggregate portion of its free population, too large to be
omitted without opening the door to inquiries into the condition and
importance of other classes of its free inhabitants. This was the
situation of all the Northern States except New Hampshire, as well as
of all the Middle and Southern States; and it was especially true of
Virginia, which had nearly twice as many free colored persons as any
other State in the Union.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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