History of the Origin, Formation, and Adoption of the Constitution of the United States, Vol. 2: With Notices of Its Principle FramersCurtis, George Ticknor
History
History of the Origin, Formation, and Adoption of the Constitution of the United States, Vol. 2: With Notices of Its Principle Framers
Curtis, George Ticknor
Constitutional history -- United States
The great difficulty, he continued, lay in the affair of
representation; and if that could be adjusted, all others would be
surmountable. It was admitted by both of the gentlemen from New
Jersey,[58] that it would not be just to allow Virginia, which was
sixteen times as large as Delaware, an equal vote only. Their language
was, that it would not be safe for Delaware to allow Virginia sixteen
times as many votes. Their expedient was, that all the States should
be thrown into one mass, and a new partition be made into thirteen
equal parts. Would such a scheme be practicable? The dissimilarities
in the rules of property, as well as in the manners, habits, and
prejudices of the different States, amounted to a prohibition of the
attempt. It had been impossible for the power of one of the most
absolute princes in Europe,[59] directed by the wisdom of one of the
most enlightened and patriotic ministers that any age had
produced,[60] to equalize in some points only the different usages and
regulations of the different provinces. But, admitting a general
amalgamation and repartition of the States to be practicable, and the
danger apprehended by the smaller States from a proportional
representation to be real, would not their special and voluntary
coalition with their neighbors be less inconvenient to the whole
community and equally effectual for their own safety?[61] If New
Jersey or Delaware conceived that an advantage would accrue to them
from an equalization of the States, in which case they would
necessarily form a junction with their neighbors, why might not this
end be attained by leaving them at liberty to form such a junction
whenever they pleased? And why should they wish to obtrude a like
arrangement on all the States, when it was, to say the least,
extremely difficult, and would be obnoxious to many of the
States,--and when neither the inconvenience nor the benefit of the
expedient to themselves would be lessened by confining it to
themselves? The prospect of many new States to the westward was
another consideration of importance. If they should come into the
Union at all, they would come when they contained but few inhabitants.
If they should be entitled to vote according to their proportion of
inhabitants, all would be right and safe. Let them have an equal vote,
and a more objectionable minority than ever might give law to the
whole.[62]
At the close of Mr. Madison's remarks, the committee decided, by a
vote of seven States against three, one State being divided, to report
the Virginia plan to the Convention. The delegation of New York (with
the exception of Hamilton), and those of New Jersey and Delaware,
constituted the negative votes. The vote of Maryland was divided by
Luther Martin, who had constantly acted with the minority. The vote of
Connecticut was given for the report, but she was not long to remain
on that side of the question.[63]
NOTE ON THE OPINIONS OF HAMILTON.
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