History of the United States of America, Volume 2 (of 9) : $b During the first administration of Thomas Jefferson — John Shaqi
History of the United States of America, Volume 2 (of 9) : $b During the first administration of Thomas JeffersonAdams, Henry
History
History of the United States of America, Volume 2 (of 9) : $b During the first administration of Thomas Jefferson
Adams, Henry
United States -- History -- 1801-1809; United States -- History -- 1809-1817
and fortify democratic principles.
This contradiction was due to no change in Bonaparte’s opinions; these
remained what they were. At the moment when talking to Marbois about
“those republicans whose friendship I seek,” he was calculating on the
chance that his gift would one day prove their ruin. “Perhaps it will
also be objected to me,” he said,[49] “that the Americans may in two
or three centuries be found too powerful for Europe; but my foresight
does not embrace such remote fears. Besides, we may hereafter expect
rivalries among the members of the Union. The confederations that are
called perpetual last only till one of the contracting parties finds
it to its interest to break them.... It is to prevent the danger to
which the colossal power of England exposes us that I would provide
a remedy.” The colossal power of England depended on her navy, her
colonies, and her manufactures. Bonaparte proposed to overthrow it
by shattering beyond repair the colonial system of France and Spain;
and even this step was reasonable compared with what followed. He
expected to check the power of England by giving Louisiana to the
United States,--a measure which opened a new world to English commerce
and manufactures, and riveted England’s grasp on the whole American
continent, inviting her to do what she afterward did,--join hands
with the United States in revolutionizing Mexico and South America in
her own interests. As though to render these results certain, after
extending this invitation to English commerce and American democracy,
Bonaparte next invited a war with England, which was certain to drive
from the ocean every ship belonging to France or Spain,--a war which
left even the United States at England’s mercy.
Every detail that could explain Bonaparte’s motives becomes interesting
in a matter so important to American history. Certain points were
clear. Talleyrand’s colonial and peace policy failed. Resting on the
maintenance of order in Europe and the extension of French power
in rivalry with the United States and England in America, it was a
statesmanlike and honorable scheme, which claimed for the Latin races
what Louis XIV. tried to gain for them; but it had the disadvantage
of rousing hostility in the United States, and of throwing them into
the arms of England. For this result Talleyrand was prepared. He knew
that he could keep peace with England, and that the United States alone
could not prevent him from carrying out his policy. Indeed, Madison
in his conversation with Pichon invited such action, and Jefferson
had no means of resisting it; but from the moment when St. Domingo
prevented the success of the scheme, and Bonaparte gained an excuse
for following his own military instincts, the hostility of the United
States became troublesome. President Jefferson had chiefly reckoned on
this possibility as his hope of getting Louisiana; and slight as the
chance seemed, he was right.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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