History of the United States of America, Volume 3 (of 9) : $b During the second administration of Thomas JeffersonAdams, Henry
History
History of the United States of America, Volume 3 (of 9) : $b During the second administration of Thomas Jefferson
Adams, Henry
United States -- History -- 1801-1809; United States -- History -- 1809-1817
If the friendly Whigs, after imposing on the United States such a
treaty, had thought themselves still obliged to lop off another main
limb of American commerce, which Pitt had spared, the Tories were not
likely to rest until they had put an end to American neutral commerce
altogether. This result was foreshadowed by Spencer Perceval and Lord
Castlereagh in their speeches on Lord Howick’s order, and was the end
to which the legislation and public opinion of England had pointed for
years. The time for negotiation had gone by, and nothing remained for
the United States but a trial of strength.
For this final test Jefferson was ready. Congress had placed in his
hands powers which in his opinion were ample to protect American
interests abroad and at home. On sufficient provocation he could
exclude British ships-of-war from American waters, and if they should
refuse to depart he might enforce the Non-importation Act against
British commerce. His conduct proved that he felt neither fear nor
hesitation. He had never expected a satisfactory treaty from England,
and he had good reason to know that Monroe’s treaty, if Monroe should
succeed in making one, must be worse than none. Early in February,
1807, arrived the despatch from Monroe and Pinkney announcing that the
two envoys had decided to depart from their instructions and to abandon
the impressment ultimatum. Madison replied,[297] February 3, that no
such treaty would be ratified, and that it would be better to let the
negotiation quietly terminate, leaving each party to follow an informal
understanding; but that if such a treaty should have been signed, the
British commissioners should be candidly apprised of the reasons for
not expecting its ratification. That Monroe’s treaty, if he made one,
would be rejected and returned without ratification to the British
government was certain long before it reached America.
On that point, as on the inflexibility of England, no doubt could
exist. President Jefferson and Secretary Madison were as determined, in
case of necessity, to attack British manufactures as Spencer Perceval
and George Rose were bent upon cutting off American trade; but although
the Americans fully meant to use commercial weapons against British
aggression, they earnestly wished for a good working arrangement under
which, without a treaty, peace and commerce could be secure. So far
from challenging a rupture, they were anxious only to encourage cordial
relations. Throughout the winter of 1806–1807 Jefferson made of his
attachment to England a foundation for all his policy at home and
abroad. Congress, under the security of Fox’s friendship, left foreign
affairs alone, and quarrelled only about domestic matters; while
General Turreau’s temper was made more irritable by the attentions
lavished upon David Montague Erskine, the new British minister, who,
Nov. 4, 1806, put an end to the adventures of Merry at Washington, and
began the easy task of winning popularity.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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