History of the United States of America, Volume 4 (of 9) : $b During the second administration of Thomas JeffersonAdams, Henry
History
History of the United States of America, Volume 4 (of 9) : $b During the second administration of Thomas Jefferson
Adams, Henry
United States -- History -- 1801-1809; United States -- History -- 1809-1817
“We seem now to be approaching a great crisis. Such is the state of
our affairs, and such the compromitment of the Administration at
home and abroad by its measures, that it seems likely that it will
experience great difficulty in extricating itself.... We are invited
with great earnestness to give the incumbents all the support we
can,--by which is meant to give them our votes at the approaching
election; but it is not certain that we could give effectual support
to the person in whose favor it is requested, or that it would be
advisable in any view to yield it. While we remain on independent
ground, and give support where we think it is due, we preserve
a resource in favor of free government within the limit of the
Republican party. Compromit ourselves in the sense proposed, and that
resource is gone. After what has passed, it has no right to suppose
that we will, by a voluntary sacrifice, consent to bury ourselves in
the same tomb with it.”
If Wilson Cary Nicholas and James Monroe stood in such attitudes
toward the Administration, admitting or proclaiming that its policy
had failed, and that it could command no further confidence, what
could be expected from the Federalists, who for eight years had
foretold the failure? New England rang with cries for disunion.
The Federalist leaders thought best to disavow treasonable
intentions;[302] but they fell with their old bitterness on the
personal character of President Jefferson, and trampled it deep in
the mire. Many of the ablest and most liberal Federalist leaders had
lagged behind or left the party, but the zealots of Pickering’s class
were stronger than ever. Pickering bent his energies to the task of
proving that Jefferson was a tool of Napoleon, and that the embargo
was laid in consequence of Napoleon’s command. The success of this
political delusion, both in England and America, was astounding. Even
a mind so vigorous and a judgment so calm as that of Chief-Justice
Marshall bent under this popular imposture.
“Nothing can be more completely demonstrated,” he wrote to
Pickering,[303] “than the inefficacy of the embargo; yet that
demonstration seems to be of no avail. I fear most seriously that the
same spirit which so tenaciously maintains this measure will impel us
to a war with the only power which protects any part of the civilized
world from the despotism of that tyrant with whom we shall then be
arranged. You have shown that the principle commonly called the Rule
of 1756 is of much earlier date, and I fear have also shown to what
influences the embargo is to be traced.”
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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