“This unexceptionable course,” he continued, “could not avail against the injustice and violence of the belligerent Powers. In their rage against each other, or impelled by more direct motives, principles of retaliation have been introduced equally contrary to universal reason and acknowledged law. How long their arbitrary edicts will be continued, in spite of the demonstrations that not even a pretext for them has been given by the United States, and of the fair and liberal attempt to induce a revocation of them, cannot be anticipated. Assuring myself that under every vicissitude the determined spirit and united councils of the nation will be safeguards to its honor and essential interests, I repair to the post assigned me, with no other discouragement than what springs from my own inadequacy to its high duties.” Neither the actual world nor posterity could find much in these expressions on which to approve or condemn the policy of Madison, for no policy could be deduced from them. The same iteration of commonplaces marked the list of general principles which filled the next paragraph of the Address. Balancing every suggestion of energy by a corresponding limitation of scope, Madison showed only a wish to remain within the limits defined by his predecessor. “To cherish peace and friendly intercourse with all nations having corresponding dispositions” seemed to imply possible recourse to war with other nations; but “to prefer in all cases amicable discussion and reasonable accommodation of differences to a decision of them by an appeal to arms” seemed to exclude the use of force. “To promote by authorized means improvements friendly to agriculture, to manufactures, and to external as well as internal commerce” was a phrase so cautiously framed that no one could attack it. “To support the Constitution, which is the cement of the Union, as well in its limitations as in its authorities,” seemed a duty so guarded as to need no further antithesis; yet Madison did not omit the usual obligation “to respect the rights and authorities reserved to the States and to the people, as equally incorporated with, and essential to, the success of the general system.” No one could object to the phrases with which the Address defined Executive duties; but no one could point out a syllable implying that Madison would bend his energies with sterner purpose to maintain the nation’s rights. At the close of the speech Chief-Justice Marshall administered the oath; the new President then passed the militia in review, and in the evening Madison and Jefferson attended an inauguration ball, where “the crowd was excessive, the heat oppressive, and the entertainment bad.”[2] With this complaint, so familiar on the occasion, the day ended, and President Madison’s troubles began.