History of the United States of America, Volume 6 (of 9) : $b During the first administration of James MadisonAdams, Henry
History
History of the United States of America, Volume 6 (of 9) : $b During the first administration of James Madison
Adams, Henry
United States -- History -- 1801-1809; United States -- History -- 1809-1817
Truisms like these, matters of course in the oldest despotisms of
Europe, and the foundation of even Roman society, sounded altogether
new in the mouth of a democratic Legislature, which uttered them
as though their force were not universally admitted. The weakness
of the report in its premises was not strengthened by vigor in the
self-excuses that followed, more apologetic than convincing:--
“If we have not rushed to the field of battle, like the nations
who are led by the mad ambition of a single chief or the avarice
of a corrupted court, it has not proceeded from a fear of war,
but from our love of justice and humanity.”
As the sway of Jefferson’s philosophy ceased, these formulas, never
altogether pleasing, became peculiarly repulsive. Indeed, the only
sentence in the committee’s report that commanded respect was its
concluding appeal to the people to abandon the policy which had
proceeded, as it claimed, from their love of justice and humanity:--
“The period has arrived when in the opinion of your committee
it is the sacred duty of Congress to call forth the patriotism
and resources of the country. By the aid of these, and with the
blessing of God, we confidently trust we shall be enabled to
procure that redress which has been sought for by justice, by
remonstrance, and forbearance in vain.”
The report closed with six Resolutions, recommending an increase of ten
thousand men to the regular army; a levy of fifty thousand volunteers;
the outfit of all the vessels of war not in actual service; and the
arming of merchant vessels.
In opening the debate on the report, Porter spoke in language more
candid than the report itself. “It was the determination of the
committee,” he said, “to recommend open and decided war,--a war as
vigorous and effective as the resources of the country and the relative
situation of ourselves and our enemy would enable us to prosecute.”
He went so far as to point out the intended military operations,--the
destruction of British fisheries, and of British commerce with America
and the West Indies, and the conquest of Canada. “By carrying on such a
war at the public expense on land, and by individual enterprise at sea,
we should be able in a short time to remunerate ourselves ten-fold for
all the spoliations she had committed on our commerce.”
Such ideas were not unbecoming to Porter, who began life as a
Federalist, and had no philosophical theories or recorded principles to
explain or defend; but what Porter might advise without a qualm, was
much less simple for Republicans from the South; and while his speech
had its value for the public as a straightforward declaration, it had
little or none for individuals who were conscious that it advised what
they had always condemned. The true spokesman of the committee was not
Porter, but Felix Grundy of Tennessee.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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