Women -- Suffrage -- History; Women -- Suffrage -- United States -- History; Women's rights -- History; Women's rights -- United States -- History
I know very well that great prejudices have existed against
colored people; but my word for it, the moment they are admitted
to the ballot-box, especially about the second Tuesday of October
in our State, you will find them as genteel a set of men as you
know anywhere; as much consideration will be awarded to them;
they will be men; they will be courted; their rights will be
awarded to them; they will be made to feel, and it will go abroad
that they are not the subjects of utter contempt that can be
treated as men see fit to treat them; but they will rise in the
scale of the community, and finally occupy a platform according
to their merits, which they never can obtain; and you will never
be able to make anything of any portion of the community black or
white, while you exclude them from the ballot-box.
These, sir, are the reasons why I introduce this bill, and to
vindicate them I have spoken. I know I am not able to set forth
anything new on this subject. Every American citizen has
reflected upon it until his mind is made up, and the thing itself
is so universally approved by our community, that the only wonder
is that when we propose to extend this franchise to all the
people alike anybody is found in opposition to it.
Mr. YATES: Mr. President, I propose to occupy the time of the
Senate for but a few moments by way of explanation of my position
on this subject. Honorable Senators seem to think there is some
little embarrassment in the position in which we are placed upon
this question. There is certainly none whatever to my mind. I
must confess, after an examination of this question, that
logically there are no reasons in my mind which would not permit
women to vote as well as men, according to the theory of our
Government--a Government of the people, by the people, and for
the people.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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