Homestead : $b A complete history of the struggle of July, 1892, between the Carnegie-Steel Company, Limited, and the Amalgamated Association of Iron and Steel WorkersBurgoyne, Arthur Gordon
History
Homestead : $b A complete history of the struggle of July, 1892, between the Carnegie-Steel Company, Limited, and the Amalgamated Association of Iron and Steel Workers
Burgoyne, Arthur Gordon
Homestead Strike, Homestead, Pa., 1892
"What brings you here this morning? Is it idle curiosity, or is there a
real, tangible reason beyond? The cause of this wage trouble is not
generally understood. We were persuaded to vote the Republican ticket
four years ago in order that our wages might be maintained. As soon as
the election was over a widespread feeling on the part of the
manufacturers towards a reduction of wages was exhibited all over the
land. As soon as the McKinley bill was passed, the article in the
production of which we work was the only article that suffered a
reduction. It is Sunday morning, and we ought to be in church, but we
are here to-day to see if we are going to live as white men in the
future. The constitution of this country guarantees all men the right to
live, but in order to live we must keep up a continuous struggle. This
is the effect of legislation and nothing else. The McKinley bill reduced
the tariff on the four-inch billet, and the reduction of our wages is
the result. You men who voted the Republican ticket voted for high
tariff and you get high fences, Pinkerton detectives, thugs and
militia!"
There was politics in this speech, but almost every member of a labor
organization is a politician in a small way, and McLuckie's bill of
indictment against the Republican party struck fairly home. It had been
freely charged that, when the McKinley tariff bill was being prepared,
Andrew Carnegie had waited on the conference committee which put the
finishing touches to the measure and secured as a return for his
generous contributions to the Republican campaign funds, a reduction in
the duty on steel billets, this product being the single standard of
wages in his Homestead works. As the Carnegie firm controlled the billet
market, there was nothing to hinder a depression of prices, as a seeming
consequence of a lower duty, and this was to serve as a cover for the
new scale and the Frick ultimatum.
The plausibility of this story, and the bluntness with which McLuckie,
himself a poorly paid workman of the Carnegie Company, put the political
duplicity involved before his fellow workmen exercised a telling effect.
Particularly did the pointed allusion to "high fences, Pinkerton
detectives, thugs and militia" carry weight in the estimation of the
workingmen present at that Sunday morning meeting. Nor did it stop
there, for within the next twenty-four hours this, the first public
arraignment of the Republican party and the Carnegie Company jointly was
flashed over the telegraph wires to newspapers in all parts of the
United States, and the country at large began to realize that there were
two ways of looking at the doctrine of "protection to American labor,"
and that the difference between them was on the eve of receiving an
impressive demonstration.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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