The mere fact of any institution having to deal with so enormous a
capital, renders it one of great importance commercially. But when it is
remembered that the vast aggregate is made up of small savings; and that
additions to, or withdrawals from it, furnish a clue to the fluctuations
between the prosperity and depression of the largest, most useful, and
least wealthy among us—the thews and sinews of the nation—the
administration and management of Savings’ Banks cannot be too jealously
watched.
Unhappily a painful interest has been lately imparted to the system by
the abstraction of large sums by certain local managers; and by the
discovery that to make these defalcations good, there exists no
government liability. Indeed by law (the act of 1844) even the Trustees
are not liable; but honour has always, as we shall see, proved with them
stronger than the statute. A clear understanding of the actual
connection of the State with Savings’ Banks is of vital importance, not
only to depositors, but to those who interest themselves in promoting
the banking system among the humbler classes; a system, which, it may be
safely affirmed, has hitherto proved of the utmost benefit not only to
the worldly prosperity, but to the morals of the working bees of our
Great Hive.
Savings’ Banks were first established from motives of benevolence. They
soon, however, came to involve such great responsibility that the
managers were anxious that the State should give them the benefit of its
support. The State was nothing loth, for it saw the advantage of having
such large amounts of money in possession. Accordingly, in 1817, there
was opened at the National Debt Office, a “Fund for the Banks for
Savings,” and an act was passed compelling the Trustees to pay in their
deposits to that Fund, receiving a debenture which bore interest at the
rate of 4_l._ 10_s._ per cent.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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