The comparative smallness of the deposits in Scotland arises from two causes: first, the system of allowing interest upon very small sums deposited in private and joint-stock banks; and, secondly, the more recent connexion of savings’ banks with the Government in that division of the kingdom. Hence, there is no reason for supposing that the labouring-classes of Scotland are less saving than those of England or Ireland. The exceeding moderation of this estimate will be observed when we mention another description of savings’ banks which Mr. Porter has taken no account of—we mean Friendly Societies. Of these, there are fourteen thousand in Great Britain, regularly enrolled according to Act of Parliament, consisting of one million six hundred thousand members, with a gross annual revenue of two millions eight hundred thousand, and accumulated capital amounting to six millions four hundred thousand pounds sterling. To this must be added the capital belonging to unenrolled benefit societies (exclusive of those in Ireland), which has been estimated at a greater amount than those which exist “as the Act directs;” namely, at nine millions sterling, belonging to two millions and a half of members. It is indeed a most gratifying proof of the prudential, and therefore moral, as well as pecuniary advance which this country has made during the past thirty years, that half our labouring male population belong to Friendly Societies. The operative classes of Great Britain alone possess, at this moment, capital in savings’ banks and friendly societies, the total of which reaches the enormous sum of forty-two millions of money. How very like national ruin _this_ looks! In further proof of the greater distribution of means among the humbler than the higher orders, we can turn once more to Mr. Porter, who assures us that in proportion as the savings of the industrious poor have augmented, the dividends received at the Bank by the “comfortable” and the rich have decreased.