How much Bolshevism is there in America? : $b Also a series of articles entitled "Russia from the inside" — John Shaqi
How much Bolshevism is there in America? : $b Also a series of articles entitled "Russia from the inside"Dosch-Fleurot, Arno
History
How much Bolshevism is there in America? : $b Also a series of articles entitled "Russia from the inside"
Dosch-Fleurot, Arno
Communism -- Soviet Union; Communism -- United States; Labor -- United States; Working class -- United States
The American situation is peculiar to itself. It can only be approached
from one point of view, that of the employer. The employee has only so
much power as the employer may consider wise to yield him. This might
not seem like a very successful starting point for an idea that is
supposed to be leading to industrial peace, but at that it appears to be
so doing. At any rate it is a very important move in the history of
American industry, and, whatever it may be leading to, it is going to
have a far-reaching effect.
It may, for one thing, put an end to unionism, or render it much less
important. It is pretty sure to interfere with the organization of
industrial unionism, which might prove to be the road to revolution.
While union leaders in England favor the idea because they can approach
it on an equality with the employers, in America, union leaders fear it.
Instead of stabilizing unionism as it is doing in England, here it is
choking unionism out.
“Chattel-slavery,” said John Fitzpatrick, President of the Chicago
Federation of Labor, when I mentioned the industrial conference. “A way
to get men into such a position of humble obedience that they belong
body and soul to their employer.”
What the I. W. W. has to say against it is worse. It is, whatever may be
the means, easing off on the social unrest, and the I. W. W. thrives on
discontent.
Big Industries Independent.
On the other side the heavy industries, coal, steel and copper, refuse
to have anything to do with it. The United States Steel Corporation has
not even an industrial manager. Similar great industries in Europe
cannot take so independent an attitude, but here it is obvious that
neither now nor in the immediate future can the great masses of factory
workers get together and force recognition. They will eventually, of
course, if the situation demands, but they are, on account of their lack
of organization, for the time being helpless.
This makes the American experiments in “industrial councils” the more
interesting. While they have been motived often by an expensive strike
that set employers to thinking, the actual development of the system
comes from a sense of the practical. It is also growing rapidly enough
to make it appear American industry may be soon dominated by the idea. A
year and a half ago there were perhaps fifty concerns working with shop
committees. Now there are at least 700, and there may be many more.
Impersonal Capital.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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